一般信任模式的跨部门差异及其中介机制: 基于2010年中国综合社会调查的研究

本文基于“市场”与“国家再分配”两种不同制度环境的讨论，利用中国综合社会调查2010年的数据，运用倾向值匹配方法处理潜在的选择性误差，考察了不同部门中个体的一般信任水平。结果显示，相比私有部门（外资企业和私营企业），在公共部门中工作的个体呈现了更高的一般信任水平。进一步的分析表明，政治参与水平和相对剥夺感作为中介于工作部门与一般信任水平之间的解释机制是显著的，在公共部门中工作的个体不仅在态度上对内在政治效能感有更高的认定，而且也能积极参与居委会社区的选举。这些特征极大提升了他们的一般信任水平。此外，公共部门中的个体在社会地位与经济地位上所持有的较低的相对剥夺感也有助于其建立更高的一般信任水平。     

Parties,Institutional Control,and Trust in Government*

Objectives. Partisanship should affect evaluations of Congress just as it affects evaluations of the president, and these institutional evaluations should affect political trust. We argue that the relationship between partisanship and trust is dependent on partisan control of Congress and that much of party identification's influence on trust occurs indirectly through approval of governmental institutions. Methods. Using data collected before and after the 2002 congressional elections by the Center for Survey Research and Analysis at the University of Connecticut, we examine changes in frequency distributions and mean values for trust and institutional approval. We use multivariate regression models and a path model to estimate the causes of political trust and self‐perceived change in trust. Results. We find evidence that party control of government and party identification are important in explaining trust and institutional approval. The Republican takeover of the Senate led Republicans to evaluate the Senate more favorably and to become more trusting of the government, while having the opposite effect on Democrats. Conclusions. The changes in approval and trust resulting from the 2002 elections suggest that at least some segment of the population is cognizant of changes in the political environment and updates its views of government when the political environment changes.     

Accountability as a Warrant for Trust: An Experiment on Sanctions and Justifications in a Trust Game

Accountability is present in many types of social relations; for example, the accountability of elected representatives to voters is the key characteristic of representative democracy. We distinguish between two institutional mechanisms of accountability, i.e., opportunity to punish and requirement of a justification, and examine the separate and combined effects of these mechanisms on individual behavior. For this purpose, we designed a decision-making experiment where subjects engage in a three-player trust game with two senders and one responder. We ask whether holding the responder accountable increases senders’ and responders’ contributions in a trust game. When restricting the analysis to the first round, the requirement of justification seems to have a positive impact on senders’ contributions. When the game is played repeatedly, the experience of previous rounds dominates the results and significant treatment effects are no longer seen. We also find that responders tend to justify their choices in terms of reciprocity, which is in line with observed behavior. Moreover, the treatment combining punishment and justification hinders justifications that appeal to pure self-interest.

     

Media exposure and the engaged citizen: How the media shape political participation

Media exposure is widely known to increase institutional forms of political participation such as voting. Less well understood is whether media exposure also affects protest, a less institutional form of engagement. This paper examines the mechanics through which this relationship operates by considering the media's direct and indirect effect on voting and protesting, via political trust, efficacy, and knowledge. We make these comparisons by analyzing the unique Jennings panel dataset that collects information on respondents at three separate points. The results show that media exposure affects voting more than protesting and that these relationships operate through different mechanisms. While media exposure leads to voting because it increases political knowledge, it is associated with protest via external political efficacy. Furthermore, while this relationship is causal for voting it is only correlational for protest. The results illustrate the importance of disentangling forms of political engagement when considering media effects.     

对宗教组织之信任的探索性研究——以上海数据为例

本文利用上海市的调查数据,从宗教归属、人口学变量、社会经济地位因素、社会信任、社会参与和其他机构信任等方面对宗教组织信任进行分析,了解人们对宗教组织信任的现状及影响因素,并对相关的研究进行回应。结果显示,与对其它机构的信任相比,民众对宗教组织的信任处于一个较低水平;宗教归属、社会信任、组织参与和对世俗机构的信任对宗教组织信任的影响最大;阶层、社会参与也有一定的影响;性别、年龄、受教育程度和政治面貌等无影响。     

The Self-Fulfilling Property of Trust: An Experimental Study

A person is said to be ‘trust responsive’ if she fulfils trust because she believes the truster trusts her. The experiment we report was designed to test for trust responsiveness and its robustness across payoff structures, and to discriminate it from other possible factors making for trustworthiness, including perceived kindness, perceived need and inequality aversion. We elicit the truster’s confidence that the trustee will fulfil, and the trustee’s belief about the truster’s confidence after the trustee receives evidence relevant to this. We find evidence of strong trust responsiveness. We also find that perceptions of kindness and of need increase trust responsiveness, and that they do so only in conjunction with trust responsiveness.      

Faith and Politics: The Influence of Religious Beliefs on Political Participation*

Objective. The relationship between religion and political participation has not been rigorously investigated, typically employing only basic measures of church attendance or denomination. In this study, we utilize precise measures of various religious behaviors, traditions, and beliefs to examine their influence on political participation. Methods. Using data from the Baylor Religion Survey 2005, we demonstrate that merely including measures of church attendance or denomination camouflages much of religion's influence on political participation. Results. We find that religious beliefs are significantly related to national political participation. For religious activities, identifying with a religious tradition reduces participation, but participation in church activities increases political participation. Conclusion. Different types of religious beliefs influence political participation differently. Although some macro religious beliefs significantly increase macro political behavior, believers in an involved God are less likely to participate politically. Individualistic, micro beliefs have no affect on national politics. Thus, the scope of the religious belief fits with the scope of the political activity, in that more macro concerns translate to national political participation.     

中国转型期政府信任的生成与变迁机制

中国正处于制度变迁的特殊历史时期,转型期下的民众,一方面根据现代正式制度,采用新的观念模式和行动策略评估政府,一方面又受制于传统人情因素,对政府行为作主观评判。这种状况使得政治信任状态呈现明显的不稳定因素。整合民众、政府及制度等因素,能够解释制度如何通过影响民众对环境的预期及其对政府的判断,最终影响政治信任的基本状态。通过改变分析框架中的制度因素,可以探索当制度发生变迁时,人们对政府的信任状态如何随之变化,由此构建基于制度的政治信任的变迁机制。     

在制度与关系之间:商业银行小企业信贷中的信任建构

摘要：本文从信任的角度出发，发现交易中的关系信任和制度信任是交织作用的，并促进了信贷交易，二者都是通过行动者发挥作用，行动者在行动中遵循的是“自我〖CD*2〗情境”策略。制度化的信任在经济生活中凸现出它的重要地位，并具备了一定的独立性，是现代企业的基础，是不可替代的。制度信任的缺陷可由关系信任弥补；关系信任的风险，须制度信任制约。只有建立良好的制度，关系才能更好地发挥其积极意义，克服其负面效应。     

信任的本质及其文化

随着信任的研究越来越受重视,信任的含义也在不同的学科领域中越来越复杂。如果回到常理及其文化中来讨论信任,它所展现出来的特征可分为无约束机制的信任和有约束机制的信任,并在文化意义上导致信任地带的位移。在中国文化中,信任是人们在社会交往发生可疑时而形成的中间地带,可细分为放心关系和信任关系及无信任关系。其划分原因源自中西文化对人性及其社会依赖性的不同假定以及它们所构成的关系网络偏向或制度性偏向。由此,信任的本质是社会成员在面对社会不确定性和复杂性增加时体现出的对自己依赖对象所维持的时空性特征。以这种框架来重新处理以往有关中国社会信任研究中的争议和困惑,很多方面的问题可以得到合理的解释。     

Environmental Policy Attitudes: Issues,Geographical Scale,and Political Trust*

Objectives. This article examines environmental policy attitudes, focusing on the differences in preferences across issue type (i.e., pollution, resource preservation) and geographical scale (i.e., local, national, global). In addition, we study whether an individual's trust in government influences environmental policy attitudes. Methods. Analyzing data from the 2007 Cooperative Congressional Election Study, we estimate a series of OLS regression models to examine the public's environmental policy attitudes. Results. We find stronger public support for government action to address pollution issues than resources issues, and stronger support for local and national pollution abatement than dealing with global problems. We also find that Republicans and ideological conservatives are less likely to support further government effort to address the environment, and that more trusting individuals are more favorable to government action to address pollution and global issues. Conclusion. Environmental policy attitudes vary by the nature of the issue; however, political ideology and partisan affiliation are consistent predictors of preferences across issues, even when controlling for an individual's level of trust in government.     

Political trust,young people and institutions in Europe. A multilevel analysis

The constant decline of political trust has been shown in political sociology. Young people in particular seem to display lower levels of political trust, which is a challenge for the sustainability of democracy. Still, these levels of political trust among youth differ greatly from one country to another. This article therefore seeks to answer the following question: How can we account for cross‐national diversity with regard to young people’s political trust? To answer this question, I performed multilevel analyses based on data from the European Social Survey. I show in the article that cross‐national diversity stems from the institutional arrangements that structure entry into adulthood, i.e., what I call ‘youth welfare citizenship regimes’: The more inclusive is the youth economic citizenship and the more individualised is their social citizenship, the higher is young people’s political trust – which could buffer the decline in political trust.     

饮食社交对政治信任的侵蚀及差异分析：关系资本的“副作用”

本文使用2009年中国八城市“社会网络与职业经历”(JSNET)问卷调查数据,探讨饮食社交对政治信任的影响。实证分析结果表明,城镇居民的社交聚餐频率对政治信任各维度均有负向效应,且这种侵蚀效应在不同体制、不同性别、不同学历和不同地区的人群间具有显著差别。本文的研究结果表明,以“饭局”为途径来积累、维系和动员关系资本的过程,在特定的情境下往往伴随社会层面的消极影响,对政治信任带来“副作用”。     

Trust and health in Eastern Europe: Conceptions of a new society

Little attention has been paid to why trends and levels of mortality and morbidity differ in Eastern Europe and few studies have addressed people's own perceptions of their new political system – perceptions which per se may be important for social development. The aim of the present study was to analyse the extent to which trust and economic circumstances affect self‐rated health in Poland, Estonia and Russia and how much health differences between the countries can be explained by these factors. A better economy and higher trust were related to better individual health, while economic factors seemed most important for inter‐country differences. It is probable that both institutional factors and individual perceptions contribute to people's well‐being, but in terms of social policy, an improved welfare system may be the most effective way forward.     

信托政治论

信托政治,就是以信任和委托为支点的政治。在信托政治关系中,包括两类主体:政治的委托者和政治的受托者。受托者基于委托者的信任和托付,既获得了执掌政治的权力,但也必须承担作为受托者的、不容推卸的政治责任和道德义务。信托政治的观念在中国传统文化中源远流长,是数千年来封建王朝更迭的理论基础;在现代中国,信托政治理论也蕴含着值得进一步挖掘的潜力。信托政治的观念不但有助于解释当代中国的政治现实,而且还具有强烈的实践指向性。     

英美日公益信托社会的发展现况与比较分析

公益信托是以慈善、文化、艺术、宗教或其他公益性质为目的的信托模式,因公益信托具有设立手续弹性简便与营运成本低的优点,较容易引导大众支持参与。但现阶段的非营利组织面临着同构型的机构募款竞争以及企业界对非营利组织的商业化包装竞争,导致发展空间处处受限。本文先以老牌信托王国的英国开始探讨公益信托事业的历史演变,再参酌重视资本运营效益的美国模式,最后以信托业融入东方社会价值观的日本进行比较分析,借鉴国际公益信托事业可持续发展的运作手法。相对于中国公益信托事业还处于萌芽阶段,除了不具英国有庞大民间财力可左右城市开发政策之外,加上人民过度依赖政府、信托法令不周全、中央地方政策冲突、领导过于重视经济开发、企业社会责任淡薄、非营利管理人才欠缺等等都让公益信托事业无法深入民心。因此本文以第三部门为视角,探索除政府、企业职能之外,对自然环境与文化资产保护该如何协助政府对公共利益观念的落实并因此创造可观的文化观光财。     

Acculturation Effects on Trust in National and Local Government Among Mexican Americans*

Objectives. The objectives of this article are to examine the impact of acculturation on the levels of trust in both the national and local governments in a long‐term minority‐majority community and to consider the effect on Mexican Americans' level of trust of long‐term co‐ethnic control of local government. Methods. Ordered probit is applied to measures of local and national political trust derived from the National Election Studies. Data were drawn from a sample of Latino respondents residing in the predominantly Mexican‐American region of south Texas. Independent variables include a language‐based measure of acculturation, a measure of interethnic social interaction, and items dealing with respondents' evaluations of the honesty, efficiency, and beneficiaries of governmental policies. Clarify is then used to estimate the real‐world impacts of these variables. Results. Acculturation has a significant and negative impact on trust in the national government. This effect vanishes, however, at the local level. Moreover, co‐ethnic control of government appears not to be related to trust. Conclusions. Trust in the national government is significantly reduced by acculturation, while trust in local government is unaffected. Moreover, trust in government is not enhanced by co‐ethnic control of the levers of political power.     

Left Out: Trust and Social Capital Among Migrant Seasonal Farmworkers*

Objectives. We analyze the levels of trust and social capital among an understudied group: migrant seasonal farmworkers (MSFW). MSFWs of today are likely to become the “Hispanics” of tomorrow, which means that understanding what affects the development of social capital of this group is critical to understanding how these individuals are incorporated—or not—into the U.S. polity. Methods. We utilize logistic regression analysis and ordered logit analysis to analyze a data set of 555 MSFWs and comments from four focus groups in Idaho. Results. We find that MSFWs have lower levels of generalized trust than do Hispanics nationally. We also find that MSFWs have low levels of trust toward whites and Mexican Americans. Conclusions. We argue that an ethnic community's subgroups must be incorporated into our analysis of social capital, especially when these individuals are likely to become U.S. permanent residents or citizens.     

市场化、政治价值观与中国居民的政府信任

本文利用CGSS2010的数据，考察市场化背景下中国居民政治价值观的变化及其对政府信任的影响。研究发现：第一，随着市场化的推进，居民权威主义的政治价值观明显趋于弱化，但民主主义的政治价值观没有统计上的显著变化；第二，中国居民政府信任水平的东、中、西区域差异显著，市场化进程与居民政府信任水平呈线性递减关系；第三，权威主义的政治价值观对居民的政府信任水平有促进作用，但这种正向影响会随着市场化进程愈发弱化，而民主主义的政治价值观对居民的政府信任水平不具有统计上的显著影响。文章最后指出，中国居民当前的政治价值观可能正处于过渡期，这种“过渡型”政治价值观既包含对传统权威主义的高度认同，也隐含现代民主主义精神。此外，在市场化改革背景下，理性思维日益占据主导地位，因此，提升政府信任的最直接途径可能还在于提高政府工作绩效。