中国—东盟合作框架下广西的语言发展战略探讨

东盟区域经济一体化的推进,加快了广西与东盟在各领域的交流,小语种人才的庞大需求及东盟国家的＂汉语热＂等新形势呼唤全新的语言教育政策。广西区域语言战略的制定应着眼于发挥区位优势和整合本地语言资源,从东盟语种教学及面向东盟汉语传播两个层面加以着力。     

论东盟区域安全机制的形成与发展

东盟区域安全机制的形成与发展经历了一个过程。1967年东盟的成立为其安全机制的形成与发展奠定了组织基础。1976年《东南亚友好合作条约》的签署标志着东盟区域安全机制的形成。此后,该机制便处于不断的发展演变中。东盟区域安全机制为什么会得到创设和维持？它又是怎样随着时间演变而发展变化的？试从国际机制的功能理论视角来对这一过程加以概括分析。     

论东盟一体化中效忠转移的困境——从认同政治的视角考察

在东盟一体化进程中,主导性认同归属的转换以及基于此的效忠转移,并非像新功能主义所设想的那样可以轻易实现。地区认同与民族认同之间的内在矛盾和冲突,使新功能主义所预期的效忠转移陷入理论上的困境。东盟一体化既建构了地区认同,又建构了东盟各国内部的民族认同,某种程度上强化了两种认同之间的矛盾。随着一体化的深入发展,东南亚地区结构会不断演进,民族国家的政治权威也会逐渐开始转移,使认同之间的冲突逐渐弱化,进而使效忠转移在东盟未来的一体化进程中最终成为可能。     

1967～1991年印度对东盟政策的演变

东盟成立时印度对其反应冷漠。在最初几年里印度重视与东盟国家的双边关系,但对东盟这个地区组织重视不够。随着国际形势的变化和东盟一体化程度的提高,印度开始重视与东盟的经济合作,但是受美苏冷战以及印度与大国关系的制约,印度的东盟政策没有达到预期效果。研究冷战时期印度对东盟政策的演变,有助于我们理解目前的印度东盟关系。     

东盟对华政策和中国—东盟关系的发展

本文在东盟发展的总体趋势和中国与东南亚国家关系特点的大背景下,考察了当代东盟与中国的关系,认为现阶段中国—东盟关系处于历史上最好的时期,分析了东盟作为一个东南亚国家的区域性组织对华政策的基本定位、核心内容、重要目的,提出东盟对华关系实际上存在着一个整体(东盟)、两大板块(半岛和海岛)和10个国家三个局面,探讨了近期和从更长时期看影响中国—东盟关系的一些重要因素,并对进一层深化和发展中国—东盟关系提出了建设性的建议。     

Models of supranational policymaking and the reform of the EMU

Under what conditions do sovereign governments agree to create a common policy institution? And what model of supranational policymaking may be preferable? To answer these questions, we introduce a policy game of two interdependent countries with reciprocal negative externalities created by shocks to a socially relevant variable. Depending on national preferences over policy options and their outcomes, both countries incur welfare losses if governments pursue non-cooperative policy choices. Then we examine what kind of supranational policy regimes may be endorsed by both governments according to the Pareto criterion. Two regimes are “technocratic” (they do not take national preferences into account), two are “political” (they do). One political regime that we call “union” aggregates the national preferences additively. The thrust of our analysis is that the technocratic regimes are dominated by non-cooperation, so that the single alternative is between the union and non-cooperation. Yet an important point is that the union is the Pareto-dominant regime only within a limited range of asymmetry between countries’ preferences. This result has notable implications for the debate on the reform of the European Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) facing the challenge of further integration of member countries. Application to the EMU case is assisted by numerical simulations based on empirical parameters drawn from qualified external sources, which show that aymmetries in national attitudes towards policies that “Europe wants” may jeopardize the creation of a union in alternative to non-cooperation.     

Strategic contextualisation: free movement,labour migration policies and the governance of foreign workers in Europe

Heightened levels of internal labour mobility since the European Union (EU)'s Eastern enlargements in 2004 and 2007 have shifted the context for member state policies geared towards the admission of non-EU workers. This article contends that the strategic use of the internal mobility regime by member states, as a justification for selective recruitment of labour from outside the EU, deserves more analytical attention. This contribution examines how labour migration policies (LMP) in the United Kingdom, France and Germany make use of the EU free-movement framework in current legislation, and how associated policy rationales are justified. In an interpretive policy analysis of legislative documents and decision-makers' meaning-making, as related in semi-structured interviews, the article identifies the logics, tools and rationales which link LMP to EU free movement. These links are shown to be highly selective and they serve common as well as nationally distinct governance goals. Across all three cases LMPs ascribe various degrees of relevance to EU internal labour supply, depending on the different skill levels of migrants targeted in respective policies. This shared pattern of economic coordination of LMP by skill level – in which the EU common labour market plays the role of delimiting additional migration in the skilled and especially low-skilled segments – is conflated with national migration control agendas. Member states draw on EU free movement to justify migration restrictions targeted at specific sending countries. As a result, the governance of the foreign workforce produces skills- and origin-based privileges rather than granting rights to mobile migrant workers in Europe.     

Distinctive policy diffusion patterns,processes and actors: drawing implications from the case of sport in international development

This article examines the diffusion of “Sport for Development and Peace” (SDP) across sub-Saharan Africa following global policy impetus provided by international organizations, including the United Nations, since the start of the twenty-first century. In so doing, the article centres on a geographical region that has been unconsidered in the policy diffusion literature and, particularly, responds to calls for research into the effects of policy characteristics on diffusion mechanisms and patterns. This rationale beget methods that differed from the predominant use of quantitative, dichotomous indicators of policy diffusion, instead integrating data from global, international and national policy documents, from a review of SDP literature, and from stakeholder interviews in Ghana and Tanzania. Patterns of increasing governmental engagement with, but limited implementation of, SDP policies contrasted with the significant expansion of SDP provision by diverse NGOs. In turn, these patterns represented the varying influence of different diffusion mechanisms on state and non-state actors. Compared with the diffusion of other types of policies, these findings indicated the effects of an instrumental, malleable but complex global policy model for SDP diffusion. There is, therefore, significant value in further research that examines how policy diffusion may depend on the configuration of particular policy characteristics, mechanisms and actors.     

Trickle-down or Rising Tide? Lessons on Mainstreaming Gender Policy from Colombia and South Africa

As a result of the United Nations Decade for Women (1976–1985) many member states of the United Nations in the South put in place some form of national machinery for the advancement of women. This paper considers that process, identifying three main phases. The first was heavily overlaid by the agendas of international development agencies and coincided with efforts to advance a "women in development" or WID agenda within international development cooperation. The second, explored here in relation to Colombia, saw a shift towards attempts to institutionalize gender awareness in development policy, the so-called "gender and development" or GAD approach. Against this background, the later South African experience is evaluated. It is argued that this potentially represents a third and distinguishable phase in the establishment of national machineries. Here structures were set up in the context of less aid dependence than many other countries and as a result of a process that was largely internally driven. Nevertheless, South Africa enjoyed tremendous support from international women's networks and lessons were learnt from past experience elsewhere, both positive and negative. The South African approach to advancing gender equality is arguably the most progressive to be found anywhere. What remains to be seen is whether it will be possible to implement, given the persistence of poverty and inequality nationally and South Africa's increasing identification with international neo-liberal agendas.     

The impact of the European Youth Guarantee on active labour market policies: A convergence analysis

The European Union’s (EU) Youth Guarantee aims to improve the labour market situation of young people. Rather than prescribing a uniform policy model, it acknowledges that supportive measures need to align with national, regional and local circumstances. It thus seeks to promote mutual policy learning through the open method of coordination. As an innovative measure, the EU has deployed funding programmes to support the domestic measures related to the Youth Guarantee. We therefore examined in this study whether this mix of recommendations and financial incentives has entailed a convergence of member state policies. Our analysis of policy outputs for the period 2007?2014 yields a mixed empirical picture. There is catching‐up convergence regarding policies’ sectoral coverage but increasing divergence concerning the number of adopted policy instruments. The first two years of financial incentives did not produce any effect on enhancing policy experimentation among less active member states. We offer an optimistic and a pessimistic interpretation of these findings.     

The Uncertain Convergence of Disability Policies in Western Europe

In the last decades disability has emerged as a key area for European social policy. So far there have been few indications of a general trend towards greater similarity in the disability policies of member states. This paper argues that attempts to promote common approaches and patterns of effort between member states are more likely to succeed in “vacant” sub‐areas of disability policy than in more “crowded” ones. Existing redistributive provisions within income maintenance, employment and independent living are examples of crowded sub‐areas. By contrast, the emerging anti‐discrimination legislation and other forms of market regulation recently introduced by the EU may point towards more vacant policy areas within member states.     

论中国和东盟经济发展的文化动力

艺术和文化正日益成为区域竞争的重要工具之一。在中国和东盟经济合作发展过程中要注重发挥文化产业的推动力作用。文化产业的合作,可以从国家层面和地区层面争取主动,鼓励商业和文化共同体紧密互动,加强东盟各国和中国的区域合作与交流。     

Lithuania's children's policy in the period of transition

The article investigates the welfare regime of the free Lithuanian Republic from the perspective of children's policy. The main principles of the 1989 UN Convention on the Rights of the Child – child protection, child provision and child participation – serve as indicators for the level of child orientation. The article analyses legal and institutional issues related to the implementation of the Convention in Lithuania in the first decade of Independence 1990–2001. Furthermore, it compares Lithuanian policy with the three welfare regimes identified by Esping-Andersen. Our results indicate that Lithuanian policy shows a low level of child orientation and that the Lithuanian welfare regime does not correspond to any of the welfare regimes in Esping-Andersen's typology. Lithuania still shows traits from the former Soviet regime. The new liberal extreme market orientation is not modified by social support institutions, and is combined with conservative ideologies on women and family.     

东盟对中国FDI与双边贸易关系的实证研究——基于东南亚金融危机前后的比较

基于面板数据回归分析,实证研究东盟对华直接投资对双边贸易的影响。回归分析结果发现：1990-1997年间,东盟对华直接投资对双边贸易（总贸易额、中国对东盟的进口额和出口额）具有显著的促进作用,同时,投资额的增加对中国对东盟贸易逆差具有显著影响。1998-2007年间,东盟对华直接投资仅对贸易总额和出口具有显著的促进作用,而且FDI对贸易的贡献率比1990-1997年间要小,东盟对华投资也不是贸易逆差扩大的原因。     

The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child and Canadian implementation efforts for indigenous children and youth

Since playing the role of co-host at the 1990 World Summit for Children in New York, Canada has promoted the adoption of the United Nations’ Convention on the Rights of the Child at home and abroad. What impact has this unprecedented international human rights document had on Canadian First Nations, Inuit and other Aboriginal groups? This paper looks at Canada's implementation of this UN Convention, and specifically at Canadian initiatives for indigenous children and youth. The Indian Act, upon which the Canadian government has based its control over Aboriginals since 1876, is explained. Five national organizations representing various Aboriginal perspectives have reviewed the federal government's efforts to honour the World Summit's‘First Call for Children,’ and the emergent issues for at-risk children's programming on- and off-reserve are reviewed. The‘best interests of the child’ ideology that has guided the developed world's notions of children's rights has evolved in a cultural and value-laden context that must now be left for indigenous social scientists, children and youth around the globe to decide for themselves.     

Food Aid in Complex Emergencies: Lessons from Sudan

The term "complex emergency" was coined by the UN to imply a phenomenon characterized by a combination of causes (conflicts, war, famine, displacement) requiring a combination of responses (military, peacekeeping, relief ). The "complexity" refers to the "multi–mandate" nature of the response as well as the multi–causal nature of the emergency. Operation Lifeline Sudan (OLS), the UN humanitarian assistance programme in Sudan, has been described as history's largest humanitarian intervention in an active civil war, providing a model for the international community in what can be achieved in complex political emergencies. The paper reviews how humanitarian aid was used in Sudan, and the potential for that usage contributing to development. The political dimension of decisions taken and implemented by donors, the United Nations and non–governmental organizations is explored.     

Swedish Family Policy – Continuity and Change in the Nordic Welfare State Model

The main question addressed in this regional issue is whether or not the Nordic welfare states can still be considered a distinct welfare regime cluster given recent changes, such as the introduction of more private elements into the welfare state. The Nordic welfare states are often described as emphasizing full employment, economic and gender equality, and universal access to cradle‐to‐grave welfare state benefits and services. In the case of Sweden, often pointed to as the model of a social democratic welfare state, such elements remain intact in most aspects of the welfare state, even given the challenges presented by the global neo‐liberal economic paradigm since the 1970s. One way to determine whether or not the Nordic welfare states remain a distinct cluster is to provide an in‐depth examination of various welfare state policies in each Nordic country. To contribute to this analysis, an investigation of family policy in the Swedish context will be provided. Even given recent challenges, such as the introduction of private for‐profit childcare providers and a home care allowance, I argue that Swedish family policy has remained largely social democratic in its underlying goals, and thus acts to support the case for a distinct Nordic welfare regime cluster.     

From State Security Model to Selective + Residual Security Model: Health care regime shift in urban China

Based on the study of welfare states, welfare regime theory (WRT) has been widely applied to international and regional welfare regimes and to specific‐policy comparative studies. However, the health care system has often been neglected in this area of study. The current study promotes a health care regime approach that is influenced by WRT and incorporates analysis of the level of health care de‐commodification and health equity. Three types of health care regimes were identified in the development of the health care system in urban China: the State Medical Security Model, the Selective Medical Security Model and the Selective + Residual Medical Security Model. This approach provides useful policy implications for the health care reform currently taking place in China. In addition, this analysis contributes to theories in the comparative health policy literature.     

Democratic demand for a social Europe? Preferences of the European citizenry

Within the literature on European integration there is a widespread assumption that Europe is in need of intensified and more effective supranational social policy cooperation. However, on the political level it is doubtful whether such measures are welcomed by the national electorates. This article addresses this issue empirically by asking whether there is public demand for promoting greater European welfare policy cooperation and what are the determinants of such a demand. The data source used is the Eurobarometer survey 2000. A number of hypotheses dealing with socio-structural differences, the effects of welfare regime types, the subjective evaluation of the integration process and the role of identity will be scrutinised. Overall, the results indicate that at the attitudinal 'grass root' level there is no unequivocal support for a European welfare responsibility and that some fundamental cleavages are present. It is the regional and cultural aspects, especially, which turn out to be having an effect and to be influencing future political conflicts. A common European welfare arrangement, therefore, cannot be regarded as a solution to the problems the European Union is facing; rather it will raise new and severe problems of finding social and political support.     

中国—东盟经济关系与地区整合的前景

中国与东南亚国家经济合作近年来呈现出较快发展的态势,正成为东亚地区整合的重要模式。这不仅体现在中国与东盟以及日本、韩国为预防东亚金融危机的再次发生,努力推进清迈倡议多边化的进程中,更体现在双方建立自由贸易区的过程中。中国与东盟的经济关系促进了双方关系在更多领域的发展,对构建东亚地区整合具有积极意义。中国对支持东盟在地区合作中发挥领导者作用的立场不仅稳定了双方关系,对构建东亚新秩序也具有积极意义。