维吾尔族的丧葬文化

维吾尔族的丧葬习俗均与伊斯兰教教义有密切的关系。这种丧葬制度是由维吾尔穆斯林对待死亡的观念所决定,是经过长期发展逐步形成的。 伊斯兰教的教义和丧葬习俗对维吾尔族的丧葬制度的形成起了决定性作用。维吾尔穆斯林的丧葬习俗包括哭丧、报丧、洗尸、亡礼、埋葬仪式、服丧等一系列程序。     

维吾尔族生态伦理思想产生发展历史探析

本文重点探讨维吾尔族生态伦理思想产生发展的历史。文章认为,远古至漠北回鹘时期为维吾尔族生态伦理思想的孕育时期。这一时期维吾尔先民已经开始了对人与自然关系的思考。这一思考主要是以一种被动适应自然生态系统的经验形态呈现的。高昌回鹘汗国与喀喇罕王朝时期至近代维吾尔族生态伦理思想的形成发展时期。这一时期维吾尔先民对人与自然关系的思考已经进入到了理性的哲学思考阶段,以从整体上把握生命共同体,追求人与自然的和谐统一成为特征。探讨维吾尔族生态伦理思想产生发展的历史目的是为系统挖掘蕴含在维吾尔族自然观、生产生活方式、宗教信仰、文学典籍、禁忌习俗以及乡规民约习惯法中的维吾尔族生态伦理智慧奠定基础。     

维吾尔族人生礼俗与节日习俗中的文化生态

维吾尔族在人生礼俗与节日习俗方面创造了形形色色的规约和仪式,并以异质同构的属性联系起二者,使物质民俗与非物质民俗获得有机的融合,保证了文化生态链的完整与统一.在维吾尔族人生礼俗与节日习俗中,无论是诞生礼与诺鲁孜节中同构的生态属性,成人礼与巴拉提节中同构的生态主题,还是婚嫁礼俗与肉孜节中同构的生态形式,丧葬礼俗与古尔邦节中同构的生态意蕴,其文化生态的支点都是快乐的教化和快乐的成长.     

论湘西土家族丧葬习俗的文化蕴涵

丧葬习俗是湘西土家族传统文化中不可或缺的重要内容,其所反映的文化通过一系列丧葬仪式活动体现出来。丧葬习俗是人们应对死亡的思想观念、传统理念以及复杂的个人、群众的心理状态而成的一种传统文化积淀。这一独特的世代传承的丧葬习俗背后,体现了土家族的睦族友邻,敬生礼亡,神贵祖崇等社会文化意义。透过丧葬习俗研究可以深化对土家族传统文化的认识和理解。     

藏族丧葬习俗的文化人类学分析

本文试用文化人类学整体观这一理论方法,从藏族特有的民族文化背景和葬俗的社会功能两个方面,对藏族的丧葬习俗进行较为系统的分析。本文将从生态环境、本教、佛教和汉文化等四种文化角度探入来解读藏族丧葬习俗产生并发展所依托的民族文化背景,归结出藏族丧葬习俗所承载的四项主要社会功能。     

略论甘南藏区天葬习俗

天葬,是藏族地区流传至今的一种较为普遍且又具有独特性的丧葬仪式。本文主要讲述甘南藏区殡尸习俗、出殡、葬后习俗等一系列天葬习俗。     

关于门巴族丧葬的考察与思考

丧葬是人类社会一种特有的习俗文化现象。由于各民族社会发展阶段的不同,自然环境、经济类型的差异,以及宗教信仰和文化传统等原因,各民族在丧葬方式、习俗礼仪上存在着较大的差异;即便是同一民族,往往也有所不同,甚至迥然相异,呈现出复杂的现象。生活在我国西藏自治区境内的门巴族,其丧葬习俗便表现出了自己的鲜明特征。1986年7—12月,我们在调查门巴族社会历史、文学的同时,对门巴族的丧葬制度     

鄂伦春族伦理思想综论

鄂伦春族历史上是中国东北地区比较典型的一个狩猎民族.在鄂伦春族独特的历史发展过程中,产生并传承了大量具有其民族特点的伦理思想.本文主要就其丰富的民间文化中的伦理思想、独特婚姻习俗中的伦理思想、质朴的传统习俗中的伦理思想以及抵抗斗争中的伦理思想共四个方面进行归纳、概括和总结,将鄂伦春族人民热爱生活、以人为本、平等团结以及热爱祖国的伦理思想进行了分析.     

达斡尔族伦理思想管窥

达斡尔族在长期的社会生产和生活实践中形成了具有自身民族特点的伦理思想。本文分别就达斡尔族的社会生活、风俗习惯、婚姻家庭、文化艺术以及政治道德中的伦理思想进行了概述。这些伦理思想和道德观念既是达斡尔族文化和人民精神生活中的宝贵精神财富,它在该民族的传统文化及社会生活习俗中有着极其重要的地位并发挥着重要的作用,也是中华民族伦理思想中不可或缺的有机组成部分。在弘扬民族文化的今天,对达斡尔族伦理思想的研究无疑是一个薄弱环节。为充实、丰富和完善中华民族的伦理思想宝库,有必要进一步加强对达斡尔族伦理思想的发掘、整理和研究。因为它对于加强达斡尔族地区的道德建设、弘扬民族文化、提高民族素质,都具有重要的理论意义和现实意义。     

试论六朝时期儒释道"三教"对岭南地区葬俗的影响

本文运用考古和文献材料 ,对六朝时期儒释道“三教”对岭南地区丧葬习俗的影响作了分析 ,认为三教或单独或综合地产生影响 ,使此期岭南地区的许多丧葬习俗留下了它们的烙印     

贵州喀斯特墓葬与民族地区的殡葬改革

Funeral and interment reform is a social revolution of changing customs and tradi-tions, which is conducive to promoting the con-struction of the socialist material, spiritual and ec-ological civilization. The replacement of burial with cremation is the direction of China’s reform on fu-neral and interment traditions. The reform itself is put forward by aiming at the disadvantages of the Han people’s traditional burial custom, however, Guizhou is a typical karst region in China, in which several forms of karst burial have existed throughout history, such as cliff coffins, cave tombs, and sarcophagi, and these customs have been continued to some certain degree up to now. Therefore, how to manage the relation between cre-mation and karst burials has a significant meaning to the respect of the ethnic minorities’ customs and promoting the funeral and interment reform in eth-nic regions. The Binzang guanli tiaoli ( Funeral and inter-ment management regulations) issued by the State Council in 1997 stipulates that “ the objective of the funeral and interment management is to carry out cremation, reform burial, save the interment land, abolish undesirable customs related to the fu-nerals and interment actively and methodically, and advocate civilized and thrifty funerary prac-tices”. That is to say, the original intentions for promoting cremation in the funeral and interment reform for many years include the advocating of thrifty funerals, reducing the burden of funerals on the masses, changing the people’s concept of luxu-rious burials, and saving the cost of funeral in the aspect of economy;banishing superstitions, getting rid of bad habits, and opposing the feudal dross in the aspect of culture; and saving resources and protecting limited cultivated land in the aspect of ecology. In general, the abolition of burial and im-plementation of cremation has become the reform direction of China’s funeral and interment system. Guizhou is a typical karst area in China. There are various forms of cliff-burying, rock tombs, sarcophagi, and cave tombs etc. , especial-ly the cave-burial which is still popular among the Waishu Miao at Taohua village in Qibo township, Pingba County and among the Qing Yao at Yaolu village in Libo County, and sarcophagus burial which is still popular among the Li clan of the Waishu Miao at Xinyi village in Guangzhao town-ship, Qinglong County. These structures reflect the karst characteris-tics of Guizhou tombs, and have an important eco-logical value. The funeral and interment reform is put forward by aiming at the drawbacks of the tra-ditional burial practices of the Han, so if the cliff burial or sarcophagus tombs which have ecological value had been forced to be replaced with crema-tion in the funeral and interment reform, it will lead to an embarrassing situation which is contrary to the original intention of the reform no matter if we consider it from cultural, economic or ecologi-cal viewpoints. Firstly, it will cause a dilemma at the cultural level. We must consider the characteristics of the funeral customs of the ethnic groups during the process of reforming the funeral and interment cus-toms in the ethnic minority areas, in other words, respect the funeral customs of ethnic minorities, as it is an important content of the CCP and the state’s policy for respecting the customs and habits of eth-nic minorities. Due to the differences in geograph-ical environment and social economy, the ethnic minorities have different funeral customs with their own characteristics. These funeral customs, as a part of ethnic culture, help to construct a ritual with a kind of ethnic identity;it is the mark of na-tional culture, which embodies ethnic emotions and maintains ethnic consciousness. The ‘univer-sal application’ in the funeral and interment sys-tem reform doubtlessly make the disappearance of karst characteristics in Guizhou’s burial culture, the diversified burial way has been replaced with single cremation, and that is not good for the pro-tection of cultural diversity. Secondly, it will cause an economic dilemma. One of the purposes of the funeral and intermentre-form is to save funeral costs, and change the con-cept of organizing luxury funerals. The traditional burial custom contains a set of complex funeral cer-emony, which is organized in a very luxurious way, spend a lot of money and increase the people’s economic burden. In contrast, cremation can save costs. However in today’s rural areas, af-ter cremation, the ashes are still buried after being put into a coffin, so it not only increases the eco-nomic burden of the people, but also does not meet the purpose for farmland conservation, hence, it is contrary to the original intention of the funeral re-form, and also causes dissatisfaction among the people. Therefore, compared with cremation, sar-cophagus and cave burial which are still popular in Guizhou are actually a more economic practice. Thirdly,it causes an ecological dilemma. The purpose of funeral reform is to save resources and protect the limited farmland. The traditional burial practice uses coffins and pile graves, which wastes wood, occupies farmland, and also pollutes the en-vironment. Therefore, the environmental protection is the premise and ultimate goal of the funeral and interment reform. Cave burial in Guizhou uses the natural caves, and does not occupy farmland; sar-cophagus burial does not use wooden coffins, so both of them belong to ecological burial practices. However, the implementation of cremation in the areas which used to conduct cave or sarcophagus-burials has created an embarrassing situation. Cave burial and sarcophagus tombs in Guizhou karst areas contain rich ecological ideas, which not only have positive social and practical significance for the protection of the ecological en-vironment of the area, but also have an important reference meaning for the promotion of “ecological funeral” or green funeral in China. Different ethnic groups and different areas have different forms of funeral customs, which have their own justifications. Therefore, the Fu-neral and Interment reform should adapt to local conditions, and take into the consideration the characteristics of the karst region in the case of Guizhou, and fully draw on the rational factors of ethnic burial. The present funeral and interment reform can take reference from the following three aspects from the ethnic burial culture of Guizhou:The first is to delimit some appropriate burial zones and maintain properly some burial customs which has ecological value. We advocate various forms of burial in these specific burial zones, for instances, tree burial of the Basha Miao in Con-gjiang country, deep burial of the Chang-clan Yao in Libo county, and sarcophagus tombs of Li-clan Waishu Miao in Qinglong County. These forms of burial with ecological protection value not only play an exemplary role for the ecological protection in ethnic regions, but also will help for the ethnic cultural inheritance. The second is to make full use of the natural characteristics of the karst area, and properly en-courage cave burial which does not take up the cul-tivated land. In this way, not only can the cave burial custom of the Yao in Libo and the Washu Miao in Pingba be kept, but also the cliff burial custom which does not take up the cultivated land could be encouraged among the residents in the karst region. This kind of cliff burial not only re-duces the waste of cultivated land, but also re-stricts the superstitious activities in the funeral. The karst area in Guizhou is very extensive, so it has a unique advantage in conducting cave burial. The funeral and interment reform can take the local conditions into consideration, and play up the ad-vantages of natural environment. Instead of empha-sizing cremation blindly, we should take the cave burial into practice. The third is to convert karst caves into ceme-tery for placing ashes so as to change the tradition-al way of building a cemetery on the hill for placing ashes in the cremation areas. In the karst area, if an area is delimited as a cremation zone, then the burial of body or burial of bone ash coffin should be prohibited. Generally, ashes should be deposi-ted in sepulchral chapels or buried in cemeteries. Although most cemeteries are built on barren hills or land, they still occupy land and waste land re-sources. The use of cement and stone materials creates white pollution. Meanwhile, the construc-tion of cemeteries destroys the mountain and causes soil erosion. Therefore, the cemetery is not the di-rection of the funeral and interment reform in the long run, and also does not meet the original inten-tion of the reform.     

生态环境与云南藏族的文化适应

本文在对云南藏族进行深入调查的基础上 ,从生产方式、生活方式、自然资源管理机制和婚姻家庭模式等方面 ,阐述了云南藏族对其所处生态环境的文化适应。文章认为 ,文化是一个民族对周围的自然环境和社会环境的适应性体系。文化与自然的互动或文化对自然的适应可被称为生态文化 ,生态文化是一个民族对生活于其中的自然环境的适应性体系 ,它包括民族文化体系中所有与自然环境发生互动关系的内容 ,主要是这个民族的宇宙观、生产方式、生活方式、社会组织、宗教信仰、风俗习惯等。为适应迪庆高原特殊的生态环境 ,云南藏族早在历史上就通过文化调适 ,形成了一整套与自然环境良性互动的生态文化体系。面向未来 ,云南藏族生态文化中符合时代要求的内容必将得到复兴 ,其中的古老智慧必将与现代化的科学技术和全球化市场体系相结合 ,成为推动云南藏族走上可持续发展道路的关键     

关于民族地区民俗旅游资源开发的几点思考

民俗具有地域性差异、观赏性别具一格、可参与性强、资源的非替代性等特点,是重要的旅游资源。在民族地区旅游产业发展中扮演着极其重要的角色,对发展民族地区经济起着不可替代的作用,是民族地区经济社会发展的重要途径,创汇增收的重要渠道以及当地居民脱贫致富的重要途径,民俗旅游的开发可以保护民族文化和当地的生态环境与资源。同时,民族地区开发民俗旅游资源应注意处理好相关的问题,走可持续发展之路。     

藏族地区实施文化生态与自然生态环境保护为一体的战略探讨

未来青藏高原应该建设成为生态文明区。实现这个目标,有两件最重要的大事必须做到:一是保护建设自然生态环境,二是保护继承藏族文化生态与文化资源。保护自然生态环境与保护文化生态环境必须同步进行,这是相辅相成的系统工程。文章论述了藏族文化生态的基本特征,分析了文化传统衰退的弊病,提出了整体保护藏区自然生态环境与文化生态的原则、方式与措施。     

古代的生态维护与文化制衡

古代民族由于所处时空域的限制,不可能全面认识自然生态系统并自觉直接维护生态环境,而是在文化建构的过程中从所处的自然生态系统内人为地分割出一个最适合于本民族生息的区域,按照本民族文化的理解去建构并直接维护本民族特有的民族生境。对生态环境的维护,主要是通过文化制衡来实现的,它具有无意识性、间接性、被动性和区域性。探讨这种生态维护的特点及功效,有助于深化对民族生境的认识并为今天的生态维护提供前人的经验教训。     

试论土家族哭嫁歌的教育内涵

土家族哭嫁习俗孕育了内容丰富的哭嫁歌,独特的教育时间、鲜明的教育特征,公开的教育场域、亲密的教育关系和实用的教育内容构成了土家族哭嫁歌的教育内涵,是土家族传统教育的特殊形式,实现了生存智慧和道德伦理的世代传递,维系了土家族的传统社会,具有突出的研究意义和现实价值。     

山东鄄城蒙古族丧葬礼仪

本文介绍了山东鄄城蒙古族的丧葬礼仪习俗。     

中国西南民族“螺丝结顶”墓葬的民俗学研究——以“瓦乡话”、“土家语”、“苗语”地区为例

中国西南民族螺丝结顶墓葬体现了少数民族葬俗,是原始社会历史文化的遗留,其水生、土养、岫居、岩葬、石柩、遮阳、龙坛、吉穴、安魂、孝亲等丧葬内涵明显,在中国水乡蚌壳仙女等民间文学中有体现,是水乡稻作民族葬俗模式在山区的遗留,有对水乡生活的留恋,是历史上移民文化的遗存,是对人类生命礼仪、南方民族尊尊亲贤等优雅风尚的最高赞颂,有丰富的民族、历史文化、艺术、宗教因素,是中国南方民族丧葬文化的精品。     

维吾尔婚俗中的离婚现象及其原因探析──来自“田野”的报告与思考

本文论述了当今维吾尔婚俗中的离婚方式、高离婚率现象及其原 因和改陋俗为良俗的思考。