论明清时期土目的生存形态

本文对明清时期反映颇多的土目生存形态进行初步探讨之后认为,家族村社之间械斗、土司武力扫荡和土民不满造成土目天生具有极强防范心理以及叛逆行为的表象,土司夫人与土目的性政治关系、土司之女与另一土司治下土目的政治婚姻、土舍与另一土司治下土目军政联络只是寻求政治归属一种必然反映,此种归属决定土舍集团并非为土司婚姻群体的唯一来源。政治利益驱使土目在对土司极尽讨好之能事的同时对土民采取压服的态度,土司区的封闭、淡漠科举制度致使土目难有仕进之机,所以废立土司、夺土司之印甚至取土司之位而代之就成了土目一生追求的最高价值体现。     

"舍把"辨证

本文针对《中国历史大辞典》“舍把”词条释文提出不同看法 ,认为舍把作为土司管区土舍及土目中的亲信 ,其活动地域并不超出湖广土区 ,直接管理比峒与村寨范围大得多的旗 ,管理职能上没有湖南、湖北不同的区分 ,担当土差亦无外乎冬围行猎、充当衙役、外出结盟、下乡视察、料理民间词讼、征解秋粮银、列阵出战、节制外来客民等等 ,由此在围占肥田美地、拥有私人豪宅与马匹、享用防苗工食等方面享受不同待遇。其频频参与土司管区重大活动 ,实际上在一定程度架空了土司事权 ,加剧了土司与土民和汉区官府的不可调和的矛盾。     

对“土司”名称的出现、内涵、使用范围的考析

元代至明嘉靖中期没有“土司”名称，嘉靖四十一年才出现“土司”名称。嘉靖、隆庆时土司是对武职个体的专称，在四川、贵州少数地方使用。明嘉靖至万历时，土司、土官区别明显，土司主要指属兵部的武职带“司”的职衔、衙门和官员，土官指属于吏部的文职。万历至天启、崇祯时，土司扩大为武职、文职的统称。清承明制，只是兵部所辖武职称土司，吏部所辖文职称土官。明代湖广、四川、贵州、云南、两广使用土司名称，东北诸夷、西北诸夷和属番的同类职衔没使用土司名称。清乾隆时，土司使用范围增加了甘肃、青海、西藏的土司。因此，把元明清王朝在民族地区以各族首领为世袭土职的统治制度称为土官土司制度更准确，称为土司制度不准确。     

简论土司制度的核心与实质问题

土司制度的核心问题是以少数民族首领为世袭土官,其实质问题是"以夷制夷"。土地占有制度的长期稳定及其与生产力发展相适应、土官拥有自己的武装组织以及历代中央王朝的扶植是支撑土司制度长期存在的主要因素;土司制度的建立和发展维护了边疆安全和国家统一,促进了少数民族和汉族、内地和边疆之间的经济文化交流。     

甘肃土司始于何时

甘肃土司始于何时,这是撰写《中国土司制度通史》必须要解决的问题。根据《明史》《清史稿》等记载,明代甘肃的卫所官并未列入土司系列,《明会典》中所列明代的土司职衔,也不包括卫所官。明代严格区分土官与夷官,土官指云南、贵州、广西、四川、湖广之土官（即土司）,而甘肃及东北等卫所官则属夷官。此外,明代甘肃卫所官的世袭与内地卫所官并无区别。甘肃的卫所官是在清朝划归土司系列的。     

武陵山片区明代金石碑刻所见土家族土司的“中华情结”

本文在明代湖广、四川、贵州行省毗邻区民族分布格局基础上,对目前发现的由明代皇帝、“客家”知识精英、“客家”官员与土司及其代办和土舍分别书写的60块金石碑刻的内容进行系统梳理,认为这是生者的自由书写和对死者的盖棺论定,客观地反映了土家族土司观念、情感和意象世界在明早中晚期及南明时期的形成发展与变化,展示了土家族各土司与我国传统政治文化有机关连的“中华情结”的聚积及变化过程.在明清易代之际,它对旧朝是“情结”,对新朝却是“症结”.基于土司学所做的此项研究,对于客观地评价我国土司及英文化具有启迪意义.     

再释“土司”一词的演变

“土司”一词究竟如何界定,学界至今仍然是众说纷纭,见仁见智,但将“土司”一词在明、清两朝的演变细细梳理一番,则“土司”一词在不同时期的所指亦有脉络可寻.嘉靖时期“土司”一词刚刚从“土官”一词中衍生出来,使用次数很少,是明朝以来民间对于兵部或吏部所管辖的宣慰司、宣抚司、安抚司、招讨司、长官司等土官机构或首领约定俗成的泛称.万历至明末,“土司”一词开始普及,其所指与嘉靖年间大体相当,但也有个别例外.清朝以来,“土司”一词普遍泛化,往往与“土官”一词混用.无论是文职土官,还是武职土官,亦或藏族、维吾尔族部落首领均可称为“土司”.由此导致在《大清会典》中,吏部既管辖文职土官,也管辖文职土司;同样兵部既管辖武职土官,也管辖武职土司.清代“土官”、“土司”两词虽可混用,但吏部与兵部的管辖职责却是清晰的.     

卓克基地区土司文化与旅游发展

卓克基土司是四川藏区著名"嘉绒十八土司"之一,也是"四土"的主要部分。在长达600多年土司的统治下,由于自然与人文环境的特点,卓克基地区形成了独具特色的土司文化,其主要内容有:以土司官寨为代表的建筑文化、具有地域特色的宗教文化活动和独特的民间歌舞——四土锅庄。虽然土司制度不存在了,但土司文化在卓克基地区还广泛地存在着,并成为了民族文化旅游发展的重要资源。通过树立"可持续发展"观念,保护和发展卓克基土司文化;大力促进土司文化旅游商品的开发;开发民族节庆旅游,增强游客的参与性、互动性和娱乐性,有利于提升卓克基地区民族文化旅游产品的竞争实力和加强对民族文化的保护。     

明代烟瘴对广西土司区经略的影响

烟瘴是一个历史性和区域性突出的现象,曾对南方少数民族及地区产生较大影响。明代广西土司区烟瘴肆虐,成为明朝经营和治理的主要困难,因此明朝在广西土司区采取了以土治土,倚重土官的策略。烟瘴,在一定程度上与广西土司制度的存在有着密切关联。     

再论土司学的对象与研究方法

土司学研究对象分土司及其本质、土司的分布、土司关系、土司制度与土司现象、土司文化及其整体、土司区的城乡网络格局等方面,就土司及其文化研究、保护和开发领域中遇到的理论难题,进行系统分析,提出了名实吻合是我国土司研究的基本准则,土司的本质是"世袭",土司分布主要是时空群事分布,土司关系是土司制度的细化,科学处理土司文化、土司文献、土司文物与田野的关系才能有效地捕捉传统土司文化的影子,最初的土司衙门是从土官居所中分建出来的等等观点。这中国土司学的"经世致用"研究,具有指导意义。     

"夷夏变迁"与明清"改土归流"

明清两朝都实施了改土归流政策,但其结果却大相径庭,主要原因在于两代君主民族观的差异。明朝皇帝坚持儒家传统夷夏观,对"以夷治夷"的羁縻政策有着天然的依赖性,不可能对土司制度作出彻底的改革;而本身为少数民族的清朝皇帝,因不满儒家传统夷夏观中的民族歧视而对其进行了批判继承,把从唐代就开始萌芽的"华夷一体"的新民族观应用到实际的民族政策中,其结果就是土司制度在清代的基本结束。     

试论改土归流后土家族地区的开发

清雍正年间对土家族地区的改土归流 ,是土家族历史上划时代的变革 ,伴随着改土归流的实施 ,清政府对土家族地区开始了大规模的开发 ,这种涉及经济、社会、文化多方面的开发 ,大大推动了土家族地区的发展 ,促进了土家族的进步和我国统一的多民族国家的巩固与发展。与此同时 ,片面的农耕垦殖 ,使土家族地区传统的多元经济体系被打破 ,并在一定程度上造成了水土流失加重 ,地力下降 ,动植物资源减少 ,水旱灾害增多。清政府对土家族文化一些不合理的变更 ,也影响了土家族文化的发展。当今土家族地区的大开发必须借鉴历史经验和教训     

双语教育:清末川边藏区兴学之关键——兼谈清末川边藏区双语教育的基本模式

20世纪初,清政府在川边藏区进行了以改土归流为核心的全面改革,内容包括政治、经济、文化、教育等方面。其中,教育改革的首要任务是解决语言问题,因此,藏汉双语教育成了改革的重要内容。当时双语教育的主要模式有:师资培养模式和普及教育模式。事实表明,两种模式是川边兴学的关键,对目前藏区的双语教育具有启发与借鉴作用。     

西部大开发与四川民族地区生态经济建设

四川民族地区处于长江、黄河上游的特殊地理位置，这决定了它在西部大开发中以生态环境治理为目标的发展方向。本文从四川民族地区在西部大开发中的这一特殊地位出发，分析了国家区域经济分工中四川民族地区的地位变化对四川民族地区的影响，指出四川民族地区的发展方向是建立生态经济体系，并提出了为四川民族地区的生态公共产品定价、建立生态公共产品价格支付方式的建议。     

多维视角下民族地区规模性返贫风险的表征、缘由及对策

我国实现全面脱贫后,推动巩固全面脱贫成果与实施乡村振兴战略的接续发展是过渡时期的主要任务,而防止发生规模性返贫风险则是其中的关键一环。一直以来,民族地区都是我国组成部分的关键点和薄弱点,也是规模性返贫风险的易发地区。基于多维视角,发现民族地区规模性返贫风险呈现出区域性、群体性、联动性等特征,从生态性、政策性、发展性等因素深度剖析其发生缘由,进而从相应角度提出创新民族地区生态扶贫方式、完善民族地区返贫风险治理政策体系框架、建构民族地区新内生发展模式等针对性对策,以防止民族地区发生规模性返贫风险。     

拉祜西头人制度:传统与国家力量影响下的变迁

本文在长期田野调查的基础上,对中缅边境拉祜西人的头人制度及其运作进行了描述和分析。低度分化的拉祜西社会以自然村(寨子)为传统政治组织的基本地域单位。四位头人(佛爷、着八、卡些和章利)分别管理本寨的佛事、寨神、世俗事务及工具的制造和使用。头人之间的分工大致明确,但分工的有效实施又依赖于头人的集体合作。随着国家力量不断下移至村民的生活中并构成规范性的影响,自然村中的头人与基层干部形成双重权威。至今,传统头人制度依然享有强有力的文化动员资源并努力维持着自身的边界,其作用蕴含在传统文化的脉络之中。笔者认为,地方政府应当有效利用当地民族传统组织而不是将其排斥于村庄治理的范围之外。这样,当地社区会更和谐,基层行政系统也能在低成本情况下获得更高的运作效率。     

论民族自治地方立法公众参与机制的完善

The legislative public participation in ethnic minority autonomous areas has its legal basis. The fifth regulation in the lifa fa ( The Leg-islative Law ) of China makes a general require-ment on public participation in legislation. In order to ensure the effective participation of the public in legislation, some ethnic minority autonomous re-gions have outlined some requirements on public comment, demonstration, and hearing during the legislative process through autonomous regulations. These ethnic minority autonomous areas are com-prised of both autonomous regions, autonomous prefectures and autonomous counties. However, the breadth and depth of the public participation in legislation in ethnic minority auton-omous areas is inadequate, and a perfect mecha-nism of public participation in legislation in ethnic minority autonomous areas has yet to be formed. This is mainly reflected in the following aspects:1 ) The relevant laws of public participation in leg-islation have not been perfected;2 ) The enthusi-asm of public participation in legislation is not high;3) Legislative information is not fully open, and the feedback mechanism has not been perfec-ted;4 ) The limited approach for public participa-tion in legislation, and the lack of ethnic and re-gional characteristics. To improve the mechanism of public partici-pation in the legislation of ethnic minority autono-mous areas, we can start with the following:1 ) Improving the legal regulation of public participation in the legislation of ethnic minority
autonomous areas The state and the ethnic minority autonomous areas should develop operational laws of public participation, so as to provide a legal basis for the public’s participation. The ethnic minority autono-mous areas should fully integrate the actual situa-tion of the local ethnic people and create autono-mous regulations with local characteristics, protect public participation rights, and promote public participation in legislation in an orderly and effec-tive manner. 2 ) Improving the level of enthusiasm forpublic participation in ethnic minority autonomous areas From a subjective standpoint, correct ideas on public participation in legislation in ethnic minority autonomous areas should be cultivated. Firstly, the awareness of the public participation in legislation in ethnic minority autonomous areas should be pro-moted . Secondly the autonomous organ’s concept of legislation should be changed. From an objective point of view, on the one hand, we should vigor-ously promote the development of the economy in ethnic minority autonomous areas. On the other hand, we should make great efforts to promote the development of civil society. 3 ) Improving dissemination of information and feedback mechanisms for public participation in legislation of ethnic minority autonomous areas The dissemination of information publicity and feedback mechanism of the public participation in-ethnic minority autonomous areas should be estab-lished on the basis of two-way communication and
consultation between the autonomous organs and the population of all ethnic groups in ethnic minori-ty autonomous areas. Autonomous bodies fully dis-close all kinds of legislative information to the pub-lic, from whom the autonomous bodies obtain legis-lative views, through to the legislative information feedback to complete the legislative interaction be-tween the two sides. 4 ) Developing and expanding effective meth-ods of public participation in the legislation of eth-nic minority autonomous areas The effective methods of public participation in the legislation of ethnic minority autonomous ar-eas can be considered from two standpoints:The first is the endogenous mode of public participation in legislation. This means, according to its own objective conditions and actual needs, relying on the inner force of the autonomous bodies and the populations of all ethnic groups, the ethnic minori-ty autonomous areas can explore and innovate suit-able methods for the local legislation of public par-ticipation. The second is the exogenous mode of public participation in legislation. This means, in order to expand the public participation in the leg-
islation, ethnic minority autonomous areas learn, understand, and borrow some foreign public partic-ipation methods and techniques, making it a suit-able method for local public participation in legis-lation.     

中国民族间发展的多重差异格局与差别化、协同性政策开发研究——论中国民族关系的新形态与民族政策的新体系

After 60 years of implementation, the ethnic regional autonomous policy has provided basic political support for promoting the common development and prosperity of all ethnic groups. Especially since the period of “Reform and Open-ing Up” began, the national preferential policies and support for ethnic minority areas gradually in-creased, and economic and social development in the ethnic minority areas clearly speeded up. Ac-cording to official statistics, after more than 30 years of “Reform and Opening Up”, the economic growth rate of China’s ethnic minority areas is high-er than the national average. However, at the same time , the economic and social development gap be-tween different ethnic groups has become more and more pronounced. The development of the ethnic groups has created a structure of multiple dispari-ties, which fundamentally restricts ethnic unity, as well as political and social stability in ethnic areas of China. This structure of multiple disparities re-flects the imbalances mainly in four aspects: 1 ) the ongoing large gap between the ethnic minority areas and Han Chinese regions remains; 2 ) the unequal economic and social development among the various ethnic minority people has expanded;3 ) the economic gap within the same ethnic minor-ity autonomous region has gradually become more pronounced;and, 4 ) the differences in develop-ment within the same ethnic group who live in vari-ous regions of China are also very obvious. The multiple inequalities of the economic and social development of China’s ethnic groups add more complexity to the ethnic problems of China. The disparity in economic and social development between different ethnic groups is not only an eco-nomic problem, but is also a significant political issue. Hence, promoting a balanced economic and social development among the various ethnic groups has a very obvious practical significance for main-taining ethnic unity, promoting national integra-tion, and maintaining national stability . Based on the discussion above, this article mainly explores which kind of ethnic policy can ef-fectively resolve the multiple disparities found with-in ethnic development and is beneficial for promo-ting the integration of the various ethnic groups in China? On the basis of summarizing and reviewing approaches found in earlier research, the author puts forward the following core ideas:1 ) The economic and social development differences of various ethnic groups have formed a pattern of multiple disparities in China, and it is no longer simply a gap between the Han and ethnic minorities. Since the implementation of the “Re-form and Opening Up” policy, the differentiation or disparity between China’s ethnic minorities has become more and more pronounced—this phenom-enon constitutes a new challenge to China’s ethnic unity and national unification. Therefore, we must adjust ethnic policy in order to solve the “true problem” or “new problem” concerning China’s ethnic problem. 2 ) The multi-faceted disparities found in the economic and social development among China’s ethnic minorities result from many factors, inclu-ding institutional, policy, historical, geographical, cultural, and psychological. Therefore, we must realize a diversity of ethnic policy, and build a comprehensive ethnic policy system. 3 ) For the purpose of realizing the integration and state construction of the ethnic groups, in ad-dition to implementing the current policy of differ-entiation, we must also ensure a “four balanced and coordinated development”. This includes a balance between the Han areas and ethnic minority areas, a balance among the various ethnic minori-ties themselves, a balance within the same ethnic minority areas, and a balance within the same eth-nic group who live in different areas. This requires the central government to strengthen a double dif-ferentiation and collaborative orientation of ethnic policies concerning the market, labor, resources, technology, and capital.     

民族地区自然生态利益探析

本文认为 ,自然生态利益是民族地区的一种重要利益。维护民族地区的自然生态利益 ,是发展民族经济 ,提高少数民族群众物质文化生活水平 ,加强民族团结 ,保持社会稳定 ,全面推进民族地区小康社会建设的需要 ,是代表少数民族群众根本利益的表现。目前 ,民族地区自然生态利益正受到严重威胁 ,必须采取有效措施予以保护。要从提高思想认识、加大经费投入、调整产业结构、实行制度创新、运用现代科技、加强法治等方面来维护民族地区的自然生态利益     

伦理传承与法治推进：共同体理念下民族地区和谐劳动关系的双重保障

民族地区劳动关系的和谐发展是中华民族共同体建设的重要内容,二者在经济、文化和社会等方面密切相关。民族地区的市场性、区域性与传承性,使得其劳动关系的和谐发展需要经济伦理和法治机制双重保障。经济伦理是经济活动传承性的写照,从内部支持和保障民族地区劳动关系的和谐发展,法治则是其外部保障。在中华民族共同体理念下,唯有重视伦理传承与法治推进双重保障的互补与统一,才能有效构建民族地区和谐劳动关系。