青海湟源"家西番"丧葬习俗的宗教学解读

湟源"家西番"是藏族中半农半牧,用汉语交际的一支.在民族融合过程中,"家西番"在继承藏族文化的同时,吸收汉、蒙、回等民族的文化,形成了独特的"家西番"文化.在丧葬习俗中,表现出祖先崇拜、道教信仰、藏传佛教信仰等多种信仰.     

“家西番”族属探析

民族识别影响到我们如何正确处理民族关系、促进民族团结问题。关于“家西番”的族属问题目前存在着很多分歧。文章从历史文献、风俗习惯、宗教信仰、民族自我意识等方面作了具体分析,认为“家西番”不是“汉西番”、“假西番”,而是藏族的一支。     

和而不同:藏彝走廊多续族群与其他藏族支系关系研究

在对世居川西南的历史族群"西番"研究文献梳理的基础上,运用田野调查访谈资料,对多续藏族和与其关系密切的其他藏族支系纳木依、里汝、尔苏的关系作了历时性与共时性的探讨,认为他们虽各自拥有不同的族群称谓与文化特质,"和而不同",但确是关系紧密,同为藏族支系。     

"家西番"地区祭灶神习俗的象征符号思考

"家西番"人的民间灶神信仰呈现了藏民族传统习俗与汉式灶神观念融合为一体的特色.本文拟从"家西番"人祭灶神习俗的象征符号意义入手,探索在民俗文化现代化进程中"家西番"民俗变异融合的规律,思考"家西番"人作为一个特殊的族群,如何实现族群的认同和加强自我主体性的意识.     

汉藏“猴子的心忘在家”故事比较

汉族、藏族流传了大量的“猴子的心忘在家”故事,并且形成了具有共同性和特殊性的叙事传统,这些传统与汉族、藏族民众生活紧密相连。同时,汉族、藏族的“猴子的心忘在家”故事与佛教同类型故事的叙事传统关系密切。     

数字崇拜与文化象征:对"嘉绒十八土司"历史文化内涵的探讨

"嘉绒十八土司"被视为是一个关于嘉绒藏族历史地理范围的表述,但在具体理解上却存在不少分歧,且各有不合情理之处.从"十八"之说广泛存在于苯教文化体系,以及象雄苯教与嘉绒地区的历史文化渊源关系来看,"嘉绒十八土司"很可能源于苯教关于"十八"的数字崇拜及相关的象征文化,"十八土司"非实指,无关嘉绒藏族的地理范围.     

论四川嘉绒藏区铠甲舞的藏传佛教文化背景

一、嘉绒地区藏传佛教历史与地理环境关于“嘉绒”一词的由来 ,学术界争论颇多。所谓“嘉绒藏族” ,实际上是 1 954年在民族识别中将原有“嘉绒族”归入藏族后才出现的称谓。① 而对“嘉绒”一词的解释 ,目前较有代表性的是 :“靠近汉区的山谷地区的通称。”② 从实际的地理状态来看 ,这一说法无疑是正确的。故而有学者认为 :“‘嘉绒’一词并非族名 ,而是对一个地区的泛称。”③ 也有学者认为 :“‘嘉绒’表示了汉藏两族文化交融汇合的意义。”④“在藏语中 ,‘嘉’为汉族 ,‘绒’为溪谷之意 ,联称即为靠近汉族的溪谷居民。”⑤ 从历史上看…     

从在内地的藏族流动人口状况看汉藏民族关系——以成都市藏族流动人口状况为例

文章以成都市藏族流动人口状况为例,在"内地藏族流动人口研究"课题组的系列报告的基础上,从宏观的角度讨论了内地的藏族流动人口对汉藏民族关系的影响。文章认为,汉藏民族"双向或多向自主流动"的趋势已不可逆转。相当数量的西藏和其他四省藏区的藏族民众移居或到汉族聚居的内地大城市谋生,一方面充分体现了中国特色社会主义制度下各民族群众自由迁徙权利的充分保障,更重要体现了藏族民众对国家赋予的公民权利的认同,对与汉族等其他民族的跨区域性的和谐共存报有相当信心,体现了当前汉藏民族关系的融洽度。     

藏族神话发展阶段研究

藏族先民认为每一则神话都"真实"记录了祖先经历的"历史事件",每一个神话人物都是曾经真实存在的"历史人物"。因此,人们在"创作"新神话的同时,依旧保留旧神话,使神话的内容伴随社会的发展而发展,由此使神话逐步经历了物活论阶段、有灵论初现阶段、人格化阶段。佛教传入藏区后,藏族神话大量吸收印度神话的内容,藏族神话进入了佛苯融合阶段。     

民居接待产业化:嘉绒藏族牧民增收的一条新途径

嘉绒藏族属于藏民族的一支,有着5000年的悠久历史。“嘉绒”是“东方嘉尔木察哇绒”的简称,意为藏区东部与汉区的结合部,世居此地的藏族被称为嘉绒藏族。嘉绒藏族世居在甘孜藏族自治州丹巴县的15个乡镇,总共有5万多人,长期以来与汉族、回族和羌族等民族杂居,生活水平十分低下。最近在藏民族地区的实地考察发现,嘉绒藏民族利用其特有的民居建筑———碉式藏寨———这一独特的人文资源,发展“民居接待”的特色旅游业。这是少数民族地区农牧民增收方式的一次重大创新,是推动全面小康社会建设的一条有效途径,“民居接待产业化”发展模式值得推…     

敦煌本藏文算书九九表再探

敦煌文献中已鉴别出4种藏文九九表,其中,P.t.1256是由藏文字母拼写的汉文“小九九”表,ITJ764、P.t.1070和B59:10是藏文九九表,包括了不同编排形式的“小九九”表和“大九九”表。ITJ764尾题人名“■”,为藏文九九表溯源和断代提供了重要依据。对这4篇写本做转录,对残缺的内容做推拟还原,并给出译文和评析,初步结论是:敦煌藏文九九表有大、小两类4种,与汉文“小九九”表作用一致,编排方式有别,藏文九九表抄写者和使用者并不限于藏族。这些藏文算学文献实物,为研究藏族科技史和汉藏文化交流史提供了第一手资料。     

论宋元时期藏区通行的货币

由于藏区各个地区经济发展不均衡,交换贸易不够发达,有些偏远地区没有发达的商品生产,以物易物就可以满足大多数人的交换需要.宋元时期藏区除在与中原交界的藏汉杂居地区商品交换中使用钱币外,藏区主要通行粮食、牛马牲畜、布匹、盐等实物货币和金、银等金属货币.     

肃州南山的"哈剌秃"--以裕固族研究为中心

明人张雨<边政考>所列肃州南山的三个东迁部落,名"哈剌秃"."哈剌秃"为"黑"的意思.三部"哈剌秃"实际为两个部族--"帕泥"部和"赏不束"部,分别操古蒙古语和古突厥语.两部落最早为安定卫部落,东迁沙州后,因与左卫帖木哥部落仇杀,遂迁至肃州南山."帕泥"部即裕固族"曼台"部落前身;"赏不束"部后来成为裕固族"贺郎格"家之一部分.之所以称他们为"黑番"或"黑黄番",是因为东迁肃州后,他们一直依藏族居住,受藏族"喇嘛番僧"管束.     

康定锅庄文化遗产价值新阐释

The understanding of the traditional research of Kangding Guozhuo mainly covers four aspects:1 ) It is widely believed in the academic world that the Guozhuang ( meaning singing and dancing in a circle ) of Kangding was a unique product which combined politics, economics and culture together. 2) It was a specific business form based on the family unit, fulfilling multiple func￣tions such as an inn, a shed, a commodity inter￣mediary, an administrative office, a commodity transformation point, and a banking establishment. And it was also a place for cultural exchange be￣tween the Tibetans and the Han . 3 ) The formation of Guozhuang culture establishes a new element in the culture of the Tibetan-Yi corridor. 4 ) Zheng Shaoxiong mentions that the Guozhuangzhu ( the Guozhuang host ) had played an intermediary role in assisting the Tibetan businessmen to sell or pur￣chase goods - this helped to maintain the trade relations between the Han and Tibetans ( or their communication) . This kind of ingenious institu￣tional arrangement was a historical practice in keeping the balance of the relationship between different cultural communities, such as the Qing court, Tusi ( native officials ) and the Guozhuang host of Kangding. It reflects the wisdom in ethnic interactions, and can be borrowed in present ethnic regional autonomous system.
The above mentioned understanding is a result of study from the perspective of history, ethnology or economics. Although Zheng Shaoxiong’s re￣search was born from the old mindset, and pro￣posed the new value of Guozhuang cultural mecha￣nism, there is still a lack of research on this cul￣ture from such comprehensive perspectives as ur￣ban history, cultural anthropology, and economic anthropology. Thus it cannot fully reveal the fea￣ture and value of Kangding Guozhuang, a complex cultural phenomenon.
Based on existing data, past research, and fieldwork on the oral history of Kangding Guozhuang conducted in August 2013 , this article gives some new interpretations to the features of Guozhuang culture from an interdisciplinary per￣spective as follows:
1 ) The forever “48 Guozhuang” are a Kang￣ding urban memory, which displays the common cultural psychology of regarding Kangding as an important trade city of the Han and Tibetans; and Guozhuang carries a folk cultural memory of more than 200 years. After the gaitu guiliu policy ( re￣placement of native officials with centrally appoint￣ed officials) in the late Qing period, the number of newly appeared Guozhuang even reached 60 to 70 .“Although each of them had its own courtyard, and people also called them Guozhuang, they were still quite different from the 48 Guozhuang in the minds of the Kangding people”. This not only in￣dicates that the 48 Guozhuang within the orthodox system were deeply rooted in the hearts of the local people, but also reflects that Guozhuang were re￣garded as the most proper carrier for the communi￣cation between the Han and Tibetan during the late Qing period, otherwise so many Guozhuang court￣yards would not have appeared in history.
2 ) From the name to its architectural form, or function, a Guozhuang was influenced by the Han culture, however, it still had strong Tibetan char￣acteristics. Actually it could be regarded as a min￣iature of local culture of Kangding. Every Guozhuang had its own Tibetan name and Chinese name. The architectural style of the Guozhuang was actually different from traditional multiple -level blockhouse. There was always a courrtyard, and it was larger than that of Han. The vast court￣yard was not only a space for the Tibetan business￣man to cook food and boil tea, but also a space for organizing their entertainment activities, such as singing and dancing in a circle. You Tai, a minis￣ter of the Qing dynasty in Tibetan areas, recorded a grand dancing party organized by the local Tusi to welcome his arrival, which reflected the significant position of the Guozhuang in cultural activities. The upper-class of the Kham area, including Tusi and the Guozhuang host, tried to build a close re￣lationship with both Tibetan and Han in all means, including the title, kinship relation or customs, and successfully built up a central zone on which both sides can be understood. It was just due to the special geographical location and cultural tradi￣tion that made the reconstruction of a cross cultural buffer zone possible.
3 ) The managers of the Guozhuang were mainly the hostesses ( Ajia Kaba in Tibetan lan￣guage) , and this also reflected a kind of feminism in Kham culture. The tradition of the Dong nv guo ( East Kingdom of Women ) enabled the women to run their business in and out of the family. When the tea trade started, the Guozhuang host had to spend much of their energy on providing service to the Tusi, so the Guozhuang hostess took the re￣sponsibility of managing the business of the Guozhuang. Ajia normally controlled the initiative of negotiation in the Han-Tibetan trade, and they played the role of interpreters in the negotiation. There were many live -in son -in -laws in the family of the Guozhuang and this kind of marriage was even more popular in the period from the late Qing dynasty to the Republican era.
If we conduct an analysis of the value of Kangding Guozhuang from multiple dimensions, we would notice that the existence of the non-market interpersonal model in this institution, on some certain degree, had solved the problem of the lack of social cohesion resulting from marketization. From this angle, the value of Guozhuang culture in the improvement of the economic institutions of the market cannot be ignored.
This fieldwork also reflects the significant and comprehensive influence of the Guozhuang cultural heritage of Kangding. When viewed from this an￣gle, its value is incredible. According to the data collected from the fieldwork, all the people, inclu￣ding officials, scholars, businessman and ordinary people, are aware that the Guozhuang is a cultural heritage which has a high and comprehensive val￣ue. If the relevant government bodies could in￣clude it into the scope of heritage protection, and build it into a cultural space of intangible cultural heritage, it will have a much higher heritage val￣ue , and play an important role both in the econom￣ic development and construction of harmonious eth￣nic relationships.
The Kangding Guozhuang also played a role in the deconstruction of the Han - Tibetan social structure - this kind of value can not only be in￣troduced to the present world and influence the fu￣ture world, but also can be seen as a hub which connects the “ancient” and “modern” Han -Ti￣betan relations. Traditionally, there was a structur￣al rule in the communications between the Han and Tibetan, namely that “the Han and Tibetans are somewhat separated from each other ”, however, the Guozhuang model in Kangding deconstructed this Han-Tibetan rule. This was closely related to elements such as social composition, ways of life, marriage, family, kinship, and religious customs. The disappearance of Guozhuang also has its own causes, for instance, the absence of inheritors and failure in operation of this system. However, this article proposes that it is mainly influenced by the social reforms in the historical process. Hence, that is the reason why modern enterprises which re￣tain certain connotations of the Guozhuang could re-appear in the Kang area. In the survey, we no￣tice that some enterprises have already made efforts in this regard. In summary, Kangding Guozhuang had creatively formed a security institution with a more humanized nature, and played an important role in the alleviation of social tensions in ethnic areas. Contemporary society, composed as it is of people with multi-ethnic backgrounds, still needs this kind of “deconstruction”.     

近代西康藏族"雇读"现象探析

近代我国少数民族聚居区在执行汉化教育的过程中,曾出现一种"雇读"现象,即少数民族视入学读汉文为当差,多愿出钱或出物作为报酬雇请他人顶替学差名额读书.西康藏族"雇读"即是近代教育改革中民族文化冲突的典型个案.本文分析西康藏族"雇读"现象的背景、演变过程及其影响,并着重从语言文化、宗教观念、价值观念等方面的差异与冲突分析了藏族"雇读"现象产生的原因,指出"雇读"在本质上是藏文化对汉化教育的排斥和抵制,是两种教育体制、两种文化不兼容的集中体现.     

《格萨尔》中的生态意蕴探析

藏族史诗《格萨尔》宏大磅礴,从中既能领略到雪域高原的自然风貌和人文景观,又可感受到在恶劣的自然环境下人们生存的不易和生活的艰辛。史诗不仅再现了古代藏族在生存与发展过程中,认知自然现象、总结自然规律的智慧,也反映了古代人民在适应自然环境协调、发展过程中形成的纯朴观念,这些观念充满着朴素的辩证思想,对指导高原社会人们的社会实践发挥了积极作用。文章简要概述了《格萨尔》中的生态内容,并阐述了其生态意识产生的文化背景和思想内涵。     

藏汉文化视野中的绝地天通思想——以古藏语“木给(dmu-skas)”与古汉语“建木”为例

本文认为古藏语木给（dmu-skas）是指通天之梯,古汉语建木是指通天之树,古汉语建木是古藏语木给的译音。木给与建木反映的是藏汉古文化视野中的早期原始的绝地天通思想。在藏汉民族古文化视野下,这种绝地天通思想在后来的社会发展进程中大致经历了巫觋管理阶段、人人为巫阶段、政教合一阶段、前三者合题阶段等几个发展阶段,但是,在各自文化视野里每个阶段及其表现形式又略有不同。藏族历史上大大小小形形色色的这样或那样的教派以及各种活佛系统产生发展之历史,其实说到底就是藏传佛教文化视野下绝地天通天人合一思想的一部演绎历史。     

论儒学与藏传佛教在藏汉两地之间的互动传播与相互影响

儒学与藏传佛教曾长期在藏汉两地之间进行互动传播，彼此影响。这既有政治、经济、宗教、婚姻、交通、人口迁徙以及儒学和藏传佛教各自的特质等方面的根据，又有着多种实现方式。二者之间的互动传播与彼此影响不仅表现在外在的形式上，更体现于思想文化的内容上，且形成一种以形式为载体，以内容为核心的互动传播和影响的结构模式。其实际效用是多方面的：拓展了藏区藏民族和汉地各民族的思想文化视野，丰富发展了汉地和藏区的思想文化内涵；促进了藏区和汉地社会秩序的稳定；增强了两地各民族之间的团结。     

藏区城镇、农业、牧业社区文化比较研究——以甘南夏河县为例

甘南藏族自治州的夏河县这一地处汉藏交汇地带的社区文化分析是个值得研究的领地,本文把以文化特征为分析单位和以社会或部落整体为分析单位的研究融合起来综合考察。研究发现城区、农区和牧区的社区文化在下述几个方面各具特点:生计方式方面,农区以农业和兼业为主,牧区以牧业为主,城区的职业最为多元;生活方式方面,城区、农区的生活方式受汉族影响大,牧区则保留较多的藏民习俗;社区组织方面,牧区的行政管理组织松散、传统社区组织对牧民影响大,农区的村级组织比较松散,镇区的街道组织作用较弱;家庭结构方面,牧区以扩大家庭为主,农区和城区以核心家庭为主;价值观念方面,牧区的现代意识较弱,而城区和农区较强。     

多康藏区藏族源流考释

多康藏区藏族是藏族最为主要的组成部分,其形成发展过程一直与卫藏地区藏族有着极为密切的关系。从考古发现和早期文献记载来看,远古时期的多康藏人与汉文史籍所载之“羌”人关系密切,藏文史书中的“董氏人”与氐羌系统人群应属同一部落群体。董氏人的部落群体从雅隆河谷一带向北、向东、向南移动和迁徙,又通过一系列分化和整合,最终形成这一特定区域的特殊族群,在不同文种以不同名称载入史册。