Religion as nationalism: the religious nationalism of American Christian Zionists

The term ‘religious nationalism’ is often theorized, at worst as antithetically conjunctive where religion is defined as the allegiance to God and nationalism is the allegiance to the nation, and at best as instrumental. I argue here that this fusion of religion and nationalism takes place most convincingly if we understand religion as adherent performance rather than solely as a theological container of tenants. I illustrate this through American Christian Zionist performances and discourses regarding their self-imagined identity as being in a national diaspora for Israel. I argue this religious nationalism is possible because Christian Zionist performances of a national allegiance to Israeli Jews are grounded in an apocalyptic narrative of the future.     

杜赞奇中国民族主义研究的学理背景分析

杜赞奇对近代中国民族主义问题的研究以及研究中构建的复线历史范式有着深刻的学理背景:近代以来,特别是20世纪国际学术界兴起了民族主义的理论研究;中国民族主义问题是美国中国学界关注的焦点之一;后现代主义、后殖民主义思潮的兴起,为杜赞奇的研究直接提供了学理上的思想资源;杜赞奇的研究也是美国中国学界自20世纪60年代开始的反思浪潮的体现和结晶。     

Brother Jonathan and John Bull build a nation: the transactional nature of American nationalism in the early nineteenth century

This article employs a transactional approach to examine the role of national stereotypes in the rise of American nationalism in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Despite deep sectional and partisan divisions within the US population, an American national identity was constructed in contrast to the British national character and perceived British ideals. This identity was constructed on an external categorization by the elite males of other nations, particularly England. Political satires and caricatures, particularly in the character of Brother Jonathan and John Bull, illustrate the oppositional nature of this nascent national identity during the early nineteenth century.     

Inventing Culture and Nation: Intellectuals and Early Latvian Nationalism

The article argues that Latvian nationalism started out as a doctrine of cultural egalitarianism. This was due to the crucial role played by the emerging native intelligentsia, which came from peasant backgrounds and received education in Russian universities during the 1840s and 1850s. Using historical accounts and intellectuals’ publications, it is shown that Latvian intelligentsia was influenced by the bourgeoning Russian and German nationalist ideas at the time, which it re-interpreted within traditional cultural context. To a large extent, these intellectuals created a national identity for themselves in order to claim an equal position among intellectual elites of other nations. These conclusions imply that it is necessary to study nationalisms as a part of not only social and economic, but also cultural, modernity.     

Our People First!' Understanding the Resonance of the Vlaams Blok's Xenophobic Programme

This article begins with a critical appraisal of some of the more general accounts of the recent rise of the xenophobic right, subsequently arguing that these explanations are necessarily incomplete and perhaps misleading int heir attempts at universality. It is argued that a more useful method of analysis must problematise the very contention of social difference on which these movements are based, and focus on nationalism as a mode of claim making embedded in a complex and historicallycontingent process of socio-political change. Using Flemish nationalism, and more particularly the xenophobic Vlaams Blok party, as a case study, the author shows the value of an historically-sensitive account which re-incorporates nationalism into its political context.     

马克思主义关于“民族主义”的论述误引考证

民族主义是马克思主义民族理论研究的基础性概念，经典作家对民族主义的论述并不鲜见。但是，在国内研究民族主义的专著或论文中，某些作者习惯直接或间接引用——“民族主义则是一种狭隘的民族意识，是一种对自己民族的偏爱。民族主义可以分为进步与反动两种类型，但从本质上讲，民族主义是资产阶级民族观的核心，因而作为一种历史现象，它会随着社会的发展和进步而逐步消亡。”把这一段自称是马克思主义经典作家的相同论述或观点。根据这些作者提供的出处经核查和佐证证明为误引，研究马克思主义经典作家的理论应提倡科学严谨的学风，阅读原文是最起码的要求。     

Apes and anticitizens: simianization and U.S. national identity discourse

ABSTRACT

Within the literature on public opinion, the mainstream framework is that in-group and out-group attitudes are distinct phenomena, especially with regard to racial attitudes. Elsewhere, in the literature on race and nationalism, scholars have concluded that the United States subscribes to cultural, color-blind racism, that has predominantly replaced biological racism. To explain the context in which white supremacy is again a viable political force in American politics, this paper argues that notions of biological racism that predate the Civil Rights Movement remain potent and continue to underlie cultural racism, and that that these out-group attitudes are not independent of in-group attitudes. This paper focuses on a form of dehumanization-simianization, or the depiction of racial groups (in this case African-Americans) as apes, tracing its origins in Enlightenment-era scientific racism, its historical role in shaping U.S. race and class relations, and as its role in defining American citizenship as hierarchical. Moreover, this paper presents evidence of simianization in contemporary political discourse surrounding African-Americans in the United States. The paper seeks to synthesize the literature on public opinion and that on race and nationalism in order to shed new theoretical light on our thinking about the relationship between in-group and out-group attitude formation.     

African American faculty expressing concerns: breaking the silence at predominantly white research oriented universities

A Delphi method was used with a panel of 24 African American faculty employed at 43 predominantly white doctoral extensive universities to arrive at a group consensus on a list of concerns that African American faculty in general experienced or held. Using the Delphi method a panel of African American faculty initially worked from a list of eight concerns (i.e., lack of mentor; little guidance about the tenure and promotion process; social isolation and lack of collegiality; excessive and token committee assignments; research viewed as trivial and discounted; little guidance about the academic workplace; limited opportunities to participate in departmental and institutional decision making; and infrequent occasions to assume leadership positions) to the development of a list of 13 concerns after employing three rounds of the Delphi method. The implication from the expressing of these concerns is that universities have a portion of their faculty that are yet experiencing racism, subtle and even overt discrimination. This study serves as a clarion call that some universities are not being as successful at achieving diversity and inclusiveness as they declare or think.     

宏观民族分析的微观基础:西方日常民族主义理论评述及补充

近年来兴起的日常民族主义理论已经在西方民族理论领域产生较大影响,并且正激发出两种不同路向的新思潮:日常次民族主义和日常超民族主义。日常民族主义理论的提出将原生主义开启的微观民族分析推进到一个更为规范化的分析阶段,其意义在于部分消解了宏观民族分析中内在的冲突性和爆炸性,同时也展示了一个以民族成员个体为中心的民族意义世界。该理论的困难主要集中在其缺乏对精英功能的考虑及对历史变迁的整合这两方面。笔者尝试引入西方社会学理论中的成果来克服这一困难。在美国社会学家柯林斯仪式互动链理论的启发下,笔者提出一个族内互动场的分析框架,以期从社会学的视角对西方的日常民族主义理论进行总结和概括,并对日常民族主义理论进行一些补充和发展。     

Racial contestation and the emergence of populist nationalism in the United States

Much of the discussion surrounding nationalism still revolves around the ethnic versus civic nation divide. For purposes of this paper it is more useful to view the United States from the tri-modal perspective offered by Anderson, in which the United States is a creole (or settler) nation. All of Anderson's types can be seen as variants of ethnic nationalism. Kaufmann argues that the US evolved from ethnic to civic nationalism by the 1960s. This argument overlooks the importance of phenotype-based racism in the evolution of creole, or white settler colonial nationalism. We want to argue that US nationalism evolved from ethnic, to white racial nationalism in the interwar years. Since the 1920s, the political establishment has opted for civic nationalism that is based upon ‘white assimilationism’. This civic nationalism has been challenged by multiculturalism since the 1960s. In the context of a democratic political culture, the content of American nationalism has become ‘populist’ in the sense that it has come under popular contestation from the assimilationist right and the multiculturalist left. This populist nationalism includes aspects of ethnic and civic nationalism. Racial formation theory will be used to show that national identity may remain under ‘relatively permanent political contestation’ with racial cleavage as a major fault line in that contest. The issues of immigration and the treatment of Muslims since 9/11 will be addressed in order to make the case.     

宗教民族主义探析

宗教民族主义已成为世界政治舞台上的重要现象.本文首先介绍迄今学界主要研究成果,然后探析"宗教"和"民族主义"如何交融连接形成"宗教民族主义",并简述了宗教民族主义与宗教运动和世俗民族主义运动的不同.本文认为,作为一种社会政治现象,宗教民族主义不可还原为纯粹的宗教思想和运动或世俗民族主义;宗教民族主义的成因不是先验的或纯精神性的,而是情境性的;不存在普世单一、固定不变的宗教民族主义.     

从汉族主义到中华民族主义——清末民初国民党及其前身组织的边疆民族观转型

学界对中国国民党边疆民族观的研究已经取得了丰富的成果,一些近代民族主义的研究也常常涉及这一问题,但是专门以国民党前身组织和其执掌全国政权之前的边疆民族观为考察对象,并梳理其边疆民族观演变过程的成果尚不多见。本文试图在前人研究的基础上,探讨这一问题。清末资产阶级革命组织及其政党边疆民族观的走向,深刻地影响了传统中国国家的转型,特别是其最终抛弃汉族主义,提出民族团结、平等思想,坚持大中华民族新主义,对唤醒各民族意识和各民族共同推动国家转型有着重要的历史作用。     

欧洲一体化:区域民族主义与国家民族主义的交织

2009年《里斯本条约》生效,标志着欧洲一体化取得了重大进展。但欧洲一体化一直伴随着区域民族主义和国家民族主义的交织:区域民族主义整合了欧洲民众的趋同意识,是推动欧洲一体化向广度和深度发展的源动力;而欧洲各国的民族主义则侧重于排异,是一体化进程中的制动机制,在阻碍欧洲一体化发展的同时,也在客观上制约着欧洲一体化的非理性发展,避免一体化走向狂热与盲目。在区域民族主义和国家民族主义交织下,欧洲一体化于徘徊中前进,于坎坷中发展。     

‘Autograph of a Nation’: The Daughters of the American Revolution and the National Old Trails Road, 1910–1927

In 1912, a group of women within the National Society of the Daughters of the American Revolution (DAR) undertook to become architects of the first continuous transcontinental automobile route, to be called the ‘National Old Trails Road’ highway. Consistent with many of the private road improvement initiatives during the heyday of America's good roads movement, ‘Daughters’ in many states were involved in mapping the route and posing a variety of marking schemes that would etch upon the landscape the DAR's sponsorship of the route. In doing so, the Daughters staked an explicit claim for the DAR and for American women in the project of nation‐building, by promoting their National Old Trails Road as a culmination of Manifest Destiny. This episode highlights the interrelationship of gender and the nation. This article argues that while women function passively in nationalist rhetoric to symbolise the nation, one must also acknowledge the agency of conservative women's groups in constructing and perpetuating nationalist narratives in ways that were often surprisingly complex and not simply imitative of men.     

生物性和社会文化性:对“家族”与“民族”关系的人类学思考

对生物性与社会文化性的讨论是人类学研究的基本理论命题之一。从这两个层面去看待家族和民族,既避免了封闭的阈于血缘和文化等传统特征的研究,又避免了在全球化背景下过度突出家族主义和民族主义政治意识形态的倾向,从该二元概念为切入点探讨中国人类学研究中不可忽视的家族和民族关系问题,揭示二者的相似性,有助于重新思考文化生产、文化再造、家族主义和民族主义等问题。     

Gendered beings,gendered discourses: the gendering of race,colonialism and anti-colonial nationalism in three Zimbabwean novels

This article aims to explore the gendering of race, colonialism and anti colonial nationalism in selected novels from the Zimbabwean literary canon with the view of showing how this gendering affected different facets of colonial life and, by implication, post independence life. It relies on the Gramscian concept of hegemony in terms of how it refers to gender, particularly masculinities. The selected texts, A Son of the Soil by Wilson Katiyo, The Grass is Singing by Doris Lessing and Bones by Chenjerai Hove, cover the colonial period from the moment of contact to the early post independence period. The article links the gendered nature of colonialism to the gendered aspects of anti colonial nationalism and shows how the two existed in an oppositional yet ambivalent relationship. This is also manifest in the schizophrenia of the post independence state in modeling itself after its predecessor, its anti colonial rhetoric notwithstanding.     

批判、借助和吸纳——对马克思主义经典作家关于民族主义论述的再认识

马克思主义经典作家在对民族主义持一般反对态度的同时,也对民族主义的进步性做了肯定,对不同性质的民族主义做了区别.根据经典作家的理论设想和世界历史的发展实践,民族主义是实现无产阶级革命和社会主义目标必需的"过渡"性途径.民族主义有着极为鲜明的两重性,既与民族本位、偏狭与排外倾向相通,又为反对压迫和不公提供动员手段,为社会进步提供有效的政治建构和认同.马克思主义经典作家对这个两重性有着清晰的辨别,对其消极性做了严厉的鞭挞和批判,而将它的积极因素在实践上加以借助,在理论上吸纳改造,使其成为马克思主义民族理论的重要内容.马克思主义经典作家对于民族主义的批判、借助和吸纳,既是矛盾的,又是统一的.     

论二战中的极端民族主义和种族主义--纪念世界反法西斯战争及抗日战争胜利60周年

文章回顾和分析了二次世界大战中以德国纳粹为代表的法西斯极端民族主义、种族主义产生的根源和实质,认为其根源于资本主义民族国家的民族主义思想,实质是帝国主义的极端民族主义和种族主义。在当今世界,法西斯主义和种族主义并没有完全消失,新法西斯主义、新种族主义具有在理论上更加精巧,借助互联网快速传播,趋向于非常规的恐怖暴力活动等特点。文章指出必须从维护人权的角度彻底地反对一切形式的极端民族主义和种族主义。     

The disinterested state: negative diasporic policy as an expression of state inclusion and national exclusion

ABSTRACT

This article engages with the understudied phenomenon of the ‘disinterested, denouncing’ diaspora state (Levitt, P., and N. G. Schiller. 2004. “Conceptualizing Simultaneity: A Transnational Social Field Perspective on Society.” International Migration Review 38 (3): 1002–1039. doi:10.1111/j.1747-7379.2004.tb00227.x) or ‘indifferent’ diaspora state (Ragazzi, F. 2009. “Governing Diasporas.” International Political Sociology 3 (4): 378–397. doi:10.1111/j.1749-5687.2009.00082.x). Focusing on U.S. citizens abroad, the article argues that there is negative diasporic outreach on the part of the state – ‘disinterested’ from the state's perspective, but ‘denouncing’ from that of the diaspora. Negative diasporic outreach is exemplified by the 2010 FATCA legislation, which sought to root out tax evaders resident in the U.S., but has, instead, affected millions of American emigrants through increased financial control and the repercussions of those policies, and has resulted in sharply higher citizenship renunciation figures. Impact on an American diaspora was not considered in the law's proposal, debate and passage into law. Second, the article argues that this negative diasporic outreach, in combination with the continued facilitation of the right to vote, is a reflection of the inclusion of these American emigrants in the American state, but their simultaneous exclusion from the American nation.