民族地区汉族流动人口从业分布及其对民族关系的重要影响 ——以青海省海南藏族自治州Y县为例

改革开放以来，大量汉族流动人口向西部民族地区流动，促进了地区间和民族间的交往、交流、交融。从业活动是流动人口的主要流动内容，从业分布情况和特点，反映出流动人口与当地居民之间的交往和融入程度。民族地区汉族流动人口从业分布，是汉族流动人口与当地少数民族居民之间关系的折射，对于民族关系具有重要的影响。本文通过在青海省海南藏族自治州Y县调研，了解汉族流动人口从业分布情况，深入分析汉族流动人口从业分布特点及其对民族关系的重要影响。     

拉萨市流动人口调查报告

在西部大开发战略实施过程中,西部城镇的开发项目和服务业的兴起吸引了大量的外来流动人口,他们当中有许多人来自东部和中部的汉族地区,这些流动人口为西部城镇的经济发展带来一定的动力,但同时与本地劳动力在就业市场上形成一定的竞争,加之具有不同的民族身份与文化习俗,在与本地人的互动中又增加了民族、宗教等复杂因素。拉萨作为西藏自治区的首府,近年来也出现了不少流动人口,本文即是作者2005年在拉萨城区开展的流动人口问卷调查的分析报告,对拉萨流动人口的基本人口、经济特征作了系统的分析,同时也从民族关系的角度分析了流动人口对当地社会的影响。     

西宁市流动人口调研报告

自2000年西部大开发正式启动以来,西宁市的流动人口逐年增加,其中一部分为省内从农牧区向西宁市流动,还有一部分则来自于全国各地,成为西宁市劳动力市场中的重要组成部分.作为北京大学社会学系马戎教授主持的国家教育部重大课题攻关项目和国家民委重大课题联合项目"西部开发中的人口流动与族际交往研究"的一个组成部分,我们组成了青海省西宁市流动人口调研子课题组,于2005年9月～10月对西宁市四个老城区的流动人口进行了问卷调查,并在此基础上做了初步的分析.     

新疆乌鲁木齐市流动人口的结构特征与就业状况

随着我国西部大开发战略的逐步推进,西部地区的劳动力从数量到结构,都需要进行调整和重组。在这一过程中,来自东部、中部地区的流动人口也必然会成为西部地区劳动力市场中的重要组成部分,同时在西部地区,也存在一个农村劳动力向城镇转移的趋势。所以流动人口调查与研究就成为理解和剖析西部社会经济发展的一个重要的切入点。本文是近年在乌鲁木齐市城区开展的流动人口研究的调查报告。在乌鲁木齐市政府的支持下,课题组在四个主要城区开展了以流动人口为对象的问卷调查,调查的内容涉及流动人口的人口特征以及就业、居住、收入、消费、社会交往等活动,展现了本世纪初乌鲁木齐市流动人口发展的基本状况,有利于我们分析其发展趋势以及对西部社会经济变迁所带来的影响。     

关于当前中国城市民族关系的几点思考

在深化体制改革和社会主义市场经济发展过程中,我国各地城乡之间的人口流动、西部民族地区与东部中部地区之间的人口流动已十分普遍,这些变化推动西部少数民族地区的经济发展与社会变迁迈上一个新台阶,也使发生在各地区、各层面的民族交往无论在规模上还是在深度上都进入了一个全新的历史时期.面对这样的新形势和新挑战,我国的政府部门、汉族民众和少数民族这三个方面在不同程度上都存在思想准备不足的现象.本文对如何理解当前流动人口大潮中出现的城市民族关系进行了初步的分析,并对今后城市民族工作提出了一些具体的建议.     

人口流动视阈下银川市回汉民族关系研究

文章在问卷调查的基础上,分析了新时期银川市回汉民族关系的发展现状,并基于人口流动的视角,认为当前银川市回汉民族关系呈现回汉民族交往交流交融深化、回汉民族关系多元化、回汉民众理性应对矛盾纠纷等新的特征。文章还利用logistic模型筛选出回汉民众经济利益纠纷、回汉流动人口违法犯罪行为、回汉流动人口对彼此文化认同的程度较弱、回汉民众交往意愿不强是影响银川市回汉民族关系的显著性因素,深刻反思并寻求对策,以期推进银川市回汉民族关系的发展与进步。     

少数民族流动人口社区评价与社区关系研究——以兰州市为例

“流动人口一般是指离开户籍所在地，到其他地方暂时居住和生活的那部分人口”。随着社会主义改革开放的不断深入和西部大开发战略的实施，中国人口的空间流动大量增加，城市作为二三产业聚集的经济社会活动空间，对农村人口产生了强大的拉力。在工业化、城市化进程中，     

人口流动、族群结构与族际关系——关于西藏山南地区泽当镇的实证调查研究

实地调查发现,在西藏山南地区泽当镇,由于人口的流动逐渐形成了一种新的族群结构。同时,泽当镇各族流动人口在个人特征方面确实存在一定的结构性差异。这种差异有其内在的原因,而非因为族群身份所致。调查还发现,泽当镇总体的族际关系较为和睦,但各族对族群关系的评价也存在一定差异。     

格尔木市流动人口调查报告

随着西部大开发战略的深入推进,越来越多的外来流动人口涌入西部城镇。流动人口的涌入一定程度上推动了西部各城市的发展,但也加剧了当地就业市场的竞争,带来一系列管理方面的困境,流动人口也面临着与流入地群体、社会之间的互动协调问题。格尔木市作为青藏高原上第三大城市,随着资源的开发,城市的建设,外来人口也大规模进入。本文对2005年格尔木市流动人口的结构特征、生活就业状况及其社会互动关系等作了系统描述、归纳和分析。     

少数民族流动人口融入意愿的族群差异

少数民族流动人口具有鲜明的民族性、宗教性、文化性等特点,因此,他们的流动兼具跨民族文化的意义。鉴于民族关系问题的敏感性与复杂性,做好少数民族流动人口在城市社会中的适应、融入工作就显得至关重要且极具现实意义。而融入意愿是流动人口融入流入地社会的前提与重要路径。本文使用2012年"流动人口动态监测调查"数据,基于族群比较的视角,采用线性回归模型,分析了汉族与少数民族、不同少数民族之间的城市融入意愿差异。研究发现:各民族流动人口对流入地都有强烈的融入意愿;与汉族流动人口相比,蒙古族、回族、维吾尔族等少数民族的融入意愿更为强烈,而苗族、土家族的融入意愿略弱。这一方面说明,不同族群之间的融入意愿确实存在差异,另一方面也表明,民族文化因素已不是影响少数民族流动人口融入意愿的重要因素。     

Navigating the migration industry: migrants moving through an African-European web of facilitation/control

ABSTRACT

This paper approaches the African-European migration industry as a complex web of relations in which different actors liaise, objectives oppose each other, and roles overlap. Starting from this notion, the question emerges: How do migrants navigate this fuzzy web of migration facilitation/control? To answer this question, this paper uses a ‘trajectory ethnography’ that follows the im/mobility processes of migrants from West – and Central Africa to, and inside, Europe. In so doing, it particularly focuses on two practices that are related to the concept of social navigation. First, it concerns débrouillardise, a term that points to the power of improvisation, creativity and hustling. Second, it regards social negotiation, a term referring to the process of how migrants ‘massage’ their relations with important actors in the field. The findings stress the relational dimension of the migration industry in the sense that the functioning of one actor depends so much on the intentions and efforts of others. I conclude that we could enhance our knowledge on migration industries with studies that constantly shift between the perspective of the migrant, the social network, the facilitator and controller. Such a dynamic approach unpacks further the multiple efforts that produce migrant im/mobility.     

Racism and xenophobia experienced by Polish migrants in the UK before and after Brexit vote

In recent years the public discourses on Polish migration in the UK have rapidly turned hostile, especially in the context of economic crisis in 2008, and subsequently after the EU referendum in 2016. While initially Poles have been perceived as a ‘desirable’ migrant group and labelled as ‘invisible’ due to their whiteness, this perception shifted to the representation of these migrants as taking jobs from British workers, putting a strain on public services and welfare. While racist and xenophobic violence has been particularly noted following the Brexit vote, Polish migrants experienced various forms of racist abuse before that. This paper draws on narrative interviews with Polish migrant women illustrating their experiences of racism and xenophobia in Greater Manchester before and after the Brexit vote, and how they make sense of anti-Polish discourses and attitudes. This paper illustrates the importance of the interplay between the media and political discourses, class, race and the local context in shaping relations between Polish migrants and the local population.     

Migrants: keeping a foot in both worlds or losing the ground beneath them? Transnationalism and integration as experienced in the everyday lives of Polish migrants in Belfast,Northern Ireland

ABSTRACT

This paper discusses transnationalism and integration as processes entangled in the everyday lives of Polish migrants. It acknowledges that the co-existence of transnationalism and integration can present an array of choices and enable migrants to lead a fulfilling life in the receiving country while they continue to maintain a foothold in their original homeland. Yet, it might also create a feeling of disjuncture, discontinuity of relations, and ceaseless negotiation between inclusion and exclusion. It is, thus, important to bear in mind that migration is a process involving individuals with all their unique life experiences, complexities and consequences of their choices, sacrifices, ambiguities and hopes associated with the move. All of these have a profound impact on changes in migrants’ perception of, and attitude to, their place of origin, the specificities of destination setting and interpersonal relations between the two milieux. The empirical grounds for this discussion originate in biographical narrative interviews with Polish migrants in Belfast, Northern Ireland. These narratives portray transnationalism and integration as multiple trajectories, emphasising the co-existence of non-linear relations between the time and the intensity/frequency of migrants’ connections to the two settings. These will be examined using the theoretical framework of interpretative sociology, viewing individuals as constantly engaged in the task of interpretation, which is intrinsically rooted in the processes of interaction.     

中缅边境城镇缅甸籍人员生计方式与生活空间——基于云南瑞丽的调查

Against the background of good border trade policies and the prosperous economy of China, and in addition to the ethnic groups who have lived along the border for generations, a large number of Burmese nationals have entered the Sino-Burmese border area, seeking opportunities to work, trade and live. Among the population of for￣eigners living in China, Burmese nationals take fourth place. They are mainly distributed in the Si￣no-Burmese border areas. Based on an in-depth investigation of the Burmese nationals who have crossed the border and live in the Ruili National Development Experimental Zone, the paper points out the structural differences between those Bur￣mese nationals who belong to Cross-border Ethnic Groups and those who are cross-border migrants and who concentrate in and ethnic enclaves. It also specifies their different means of livelihood, living spaces and religious practices.
The survey shows that the Burmese nationals who belong to Cross-border Ethnic Groups can be traced back to the official border demarcation of the two countries in 1960 , when they migrated to towns and farms in Ruili, mainly through mar￣riage, and made their living by engaging in tradi￣tional agriculture, selling petty commodities, trading agricultural products, opening traditional restaurant/guest houses, offering tourism services or starting family handicraft workshops. They mainly speak their ethnic minority language, and are able to understand some Chinese. They are bound together by the same religious beliefs inside and outside of China. According to the investiga￣tion, since the marriage registration for Sino-Bur￣mese Border Area in 2006 , at the end of 2014 , there are 2331 registered transnational couples in Ruili City, all of whom are Burmese nationals who live along the border. Except for some Han People who married other ethnic peoples, the rest of the ethnic groups were endogamous. According to my field survey, which was confirmed by local woman cardees, the number of cross-border marriages in Ruili is actually much higher than this statistic. This is because, for a variety of reasons, a sub￣stantial number of couples did not go to the regis￣tration office.
As for the Burmese who are cross-border mi￣grants and who concentrate in ethnic enclaves, they are mostly Burman, Sino-Burmese, Burmese Indians and Burmese Pakistanis, and Arakanese. Since China’s 1992 policy to open the border, the Jiegao Bridge connecting China and Burma was built, and this group of people began to enter Chi￣na. In recent years, with the industrial transforma￣tion and development in the Ruili area, as well as the better social environment, more and more Bur￣mese nationals have crossed the border and settled down in Ruili, making a living by buying( or ren￣ting) houses, selling raw materials for jewelry and jade, processing Rosewood, and working as factory workers, construction workers, waiters and wait￣resses, and peddlers, etc. They mainly speak Bur￣mese ( Sino-Burmese are bilingual ) . Influenced and dominated by government policies, their choices of living areas are related to their ethnic i￣dentity, religious beliefs and economic power. The city of Ruili has undoubtedly left its mark.
In summary,although the “human migration”of a“Transnational class” under the background of globalization, including -immigrants, migrant la￣borers, and migrant businessmen, “Transnational social space” has been constructed in various meg￣alopolis like Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou and Shenzhen, a more complicated means of livelihood and living space has been constructed by those Burmese nationals “who belong to Cross -border Ethnic Groups”, and those Burmese nationals who cross the border as migrants and live in ethnic en￣claves in the border cities and towns of Yunnan and Burma.     

The social distance of Poles to other minorities: a study of four cities in Germany and Britain

This contribution investigates the social distance of immigrants from Poland in four Western European cities – London, Birmingham, Berlin and Munich – particularly Polish immigrants’ distance towards members of ethnic, religious and sexual minorities in their various social roles. Presenting unique data from the first wave of a longitudinal qualitative study, we first discuss the differential levels of social distance that Polish immigrants place between themselves and members of minority groups in each city. We find that respondents’ socio-demographic characteristics impact their social distance, but their education and occupation may have less of an effect than their place of origin in Poland or current place of residence and work. Moreover, these factors work differentially across the four cities. After analysing social distance with respect to three dimensions of difference – ethnicity, religion and sexuality – we find several different social-distancing mechanisms. Ultimately, we argue that social science needs to consider regional and local contexts in which social attitudes towards minorities are acquired and exercised. Similarly, we need to reflect on the group’s presumed homogeneity and on the unifying visions of the ‘host society’ as a site of migrants’ incorporation.     

Super-diversity vs. assimilation: how complex diversity in majority–minority cities challenges the assumptions of assimilation

International migration changed large West European cities dramatically. In only two generations’ time, their ethnic make-up is turned upside down. Cities like Amsterdam and Brussels now are majority–minority cities: the old majority group became a minority. This new reality asks for an up-to-date perspective on assimilation and integration. In this article, I will show why grand theories like segmented and new assimilation theory no longer suffice in tackling that new reality of large cities, and I will question critically whether using the perspective of super-diversity is more pertinent for our analyses. Children of immigrants nowadays no longer integrate into the majority group, but into a large amalgam of ethnic groups. Next to the diversification of ethnic groups, we see diversification within ethnic groups in the second and third generations. I will focus on intergenerational social mobility patterns given that they are key to existing grand theories of assimilation. I will argue that super-diversity theory can only partially show us the way. To further build an alternative theoretical perspective, we also need to borrow from the intersectional approach and the integration context theory.     

Who do migrant associations represent? The role of ‘ethnic deservingness’ and legal capital in migrants’ rights claims in Turkey

Considering that established migrant associations often play an active role in migrants’ rights advocacy, the relationship between them and the growing numbers of irregular migrants needs careful scrutiny. Looking at the encounters between irregular Bulgarian Turkish migrants and associations established by their co-ethnics who hold Turkish citizenship in Turkey, our ethnographic evidence shows that co-ethnic migrant associations mobilise the legal frame of ‘ethnic deservingness’ with the intention of welcoming co-ethnics to the Turkish homeland. In the absence of other formal organisations for rights advocacy, associations’ appeals to this frame emerge as a civic resource for the irregular newcomers in their permanent residency claims. At the same time, the same frame hides unequal power relations within co-ethnic communities, that is, newcomers’ peripheral positions within associations and the economic costs of filing claims via associations. This situation creates a representational gap in the associational context between its active members with higher legal capital and irregular newcomers with lower legal capital. Tackling the problem of representation determined by the legal hierarchy, this study questions whether migrant associations should still be considered important political actors when undocumented/irregular migrants outnumber regulars—especially with regard to the immediate political/legal actions they require.     

关于武汉市构建城市和谐民族关系调控机制的调研报告

随着改革开放的深入和社会主义市场经济的发展 ,城市化进程逐步加快 ,民族散居化日趋明显 ,城市民族问题日益突出 ,城市民族关系面临着新形势和新问题。本文以武汉市为个案 ,对当前城市民族关系的特点、影响城市民族关系的主要因素进行了调查和分析 ,结合武汉市民族工作实践提出了要构建城市和谐民族关系调控机制的观点 ,并从加强调控主体、完善调控手段、确立调控效果评估体系等方面对调控机制进行了研究探讨。     

唐代河朔移民及其社会文化变迁

由于受自然环境的制约,主体居民先进文化、经济的影响,以及唐王朝制度化的管理,河朔少数族移民普遍选择了定居、农耕的生产生活方式,甚至基层社会组织也与汉人趋同,部落组织在他们的社会生活中已经淡出,趋于消失.所谓"河朔胡化",实际上是少数族移民在融入汉人的过程中,尚未消弥的尚武特质,因为边防形势与割据时期征战的需要,有着充分发挥的余地.他们遗存的特质藉他们河朔军政官员、地方社会领袖的身份,又对河朔社会部分汉人上层人士产生了影响,但这并不是河朔文化习尚的主流,也不能使河朔地区思想文化发生质的变化,或者改变移民融入汉人社会的发展方向.     

Onward migration from Spain to London in times of crisis: the importance of life-course junctures in secondary migrations

This study examines one response of migrants to the challenging economic conditions caused by the 2008 financial crisis in Spain: onward migration. Focusing on Colombians and Ecuadorians who mobilise their newly acquired Spanish citizenship to migrate to London, I argue that their new migration is part of their migratory careers and that this process is different from that of Spain-born emigrants because it is marked by the first socioeconomic incorporation. Acknowledging that the crisis is the main driver of this new move, I draw a typology based on life-course junctures to show the differences in how onward migrants understand this new move and what their expectations are. There are three broad types of onward migrants: (1) mature, reluctant migrants, (2) mid-life, career advancement migrants and (3) young, independence-seeking migrants. What they do have in common is that, through their first migration, they have acquired a certain migratory knowledge of the process that shapes their paths and expectations.