A historical approach to ethnic stratification: the case of the Chinese in Canada, 1858–1930*

Bien que les modèles d'acquisition de situation aient apporté des contributions importantes en mettant en question l'approche culturelle par rapport à la stratification ethnique, une large partie des inégalités ethniques reste inexpliquée. Une part de cette lacune peut être comblée par l'examen du processus historique produisant des conditions de marché restreignant la participation d'un groupe ethnique sur le marché du travail. Ce travail retrace l'expérience des Chinois au Canada entre 1858 et 1930, et entend montrer que les choix de professions de la part des Chinois étaient en grande partie limités par les conditions du marché tels que la demande de main-d'oeuvre à bon marché, et le développement d'un racisme institutionnel. L'apparition d'un marché du travail séparé ainsi que d'une force de travail chinoise occasionnelle peuvent être envisagées comme une conséquence du racisme institutionnel, alors que l'expansion des affaires ethniques constitue une réponse à un environnement hostile. Le cas des Chinois illustre l'efficacité des approches historiques dans le cadre de la stratification ethnique. While status attainment models have made important contributions in challenging the cultural approach to ethnic stratification, a substantial portion of ethnic inequality remains unexplained. Part of this gap may be filled by examining the historical process that produces those market conditions which restrict the participation of an ethnic group in the labour market. This paper traces the experience of the Chinese in Canada between 1858 and 1930, and argues that the occupational choices of Chinese were largely constrained by market conditions, such as the demand for cheap labour and the development of institutional racism. The emergence of a split labour market and a casual Chinese labour force may be viewed as consequences of institutional racism, while the rise of ethnic business, a response to a hostile environment. The case of the Chinese illustrates the efficacy of historical approaches in ethnic stratification.     

‘Intermediation’ in used goods markets: Transactions,confidence, and social interaction

An economic sociology approach grounded in an empirical study of second-hand sporting goods stores is used to examine ‘intermediation’ in used goods markets and its impact on confidence-building in market relations. Neo-institutional economic interpretation is contrasted with interpretation that uses a Goffmanian microsociological approach. The first type emphasizes the development of market credibility, analyzing the cognitive and formal arrangements (contractual and technical) which, by ‘professionalizing’ the behavior of self-improvised salespeople, reduce both ‘market opacity’ and the threat of opportunistic behavior. The second shows that such analysis is insufficient for understanding how actual relations in the marketplace are maintained. It aims to describe how partners to a transaction co-produce confidence, using their social skills and signaling honesty by the way they allow the quality of second-hand goods to be assessed. The two approaches converge, however, in that they both involve recognition of the limitations of analysis in terms of personal networks and the impersonality of economic transaction determinants. The article concludes by calling for closer attention to social relations in the marketplace and greater focus on how those relations are depersonalized.     

The relationship between paid work and parenthood--a comparison of structures,concepts and developments in the UK and Austria

This article investigates and compares the dominant concepts of public policy concerning the employment-parenthood interface in the UK and Austria. These two countries have been chosen because they represent very different public policy conceptions, particularly in approaching the work-family issue. In order to show the consequences of these policies the paper focuses on working time and time away from employment, when children are very young, and relates these aspects to currently introduced and changed regulatory structures, such as working time regulations and statutory parental leave. The active labour market and family policy in Austria, generally, supports the reconciliation of employment and parenthood. However, the Austrian work-family 'system' suffers from the underlying notion of the male breadwinner model in public support structures and low normative support of employed mothers. The cultural barriers for a more equal distribution of the burdens of combining employment and parenthood seem to be lower in the UK. The market as the political focus, in general, allows more equal opportunities for (qualified) women in the labour market and within families. But the highly flexible and polarised labour market, passive public policy and weak legal protection of employed parents creates a difficult relationship between paid work and family life for many parents, in particular for low-skilled, low-paid parents, above all mothers. These analyses provide the basis for conclusions for public policy aiming at the reconciliation of paid work and parenthood. Ce texte cherche à comparer les concepts dominants de la politique gouvernementale concernant l'interface travail-parent en Grande-Bretagne et en Autriche. Ces deux pays ont été choisis parce qu'ils présentent des concepts de politique gouvernementale très différents, en particulier en ce qui concerne la question de la famille et le travail. Ce texte montre les conséquences de la pratique de ces politiques sur le temps au travail rémunéréet le temps passé à l'extérieur de l'emploi ou sans emploi, et ce, dans un contexte o[ugrave] les enfants sont jeunes. Le texte fait la relation entre ces éléments et la pratique des structures de contrôle existantes et modifiées telles que les lois (ou: les règlements) sur le temps passéau travail et sur les congé parentaux. En général, le marché du travail et la politique de la famille en Autriche encourage la conciliation entre l'emploi et la responsabilité de parent. Par contre, ce système de travail- famille autrichien est un concept qui est fondé à la fois sur le modèle de l'homme comme fournisseur principal du revenu familial dans les structures de soutien public ainsi que sur normes de soutien peu élevées pour les mères employées. Les barrières culturelles face àune distribution plus égalitaire de la responsabilité travail-famille semblent être moins élevées en Grande-Bretagne. En général, le marché et la politique du marché du travail ont offerts plus d'opportunités aux femmes qualifiées. Mais la volatilité (et la polarisation) du marché du travail, la politique gouvernementale passive et la faible protection légale pour les parentstravailleurs créent tous une relation difficile pour les parents entre le travail rémunéré et la vie de famille--en particulier pour ceux qui sont moins qualifiés et mal rémunérés, dont surtout les mères de famille. Cette analyse nous guide vers la nécessité d'une politique gouvernementale qui vise la conciliation entre le travail rémunéré et la responsabilité parentale.     

Philanthropy and the diversification of the western European 'welfare state' model

Discussions about the future of most western European welfare states usually concern two alternatives: the government and the market. Government represents collective solidarity, an overall welfare package. The market is associated with inequality. Our first question is indeed whether the discussion about future social policy must always lead to the opposing poles of government versus marketplace and collective solidarity versus inequality. Is the market not in a position to create collective solidarity and does state social welfare not also promote, or at any rate, perpetuate inequality? The second question is whether there is not more to the welfare state debate than only the roles of government and the market. Are kinship and philanthropy not also social mechanisms that can create solidarity? One can, in any case, confirm that in the Netherlands, as in other western European countries, philanthropy has made a comeback. This paper focuses on the diversification of the welfare state model, rather than its polarization. To that end, four new models have been added to the existing welfare state model. They are: the insurance model, the occupational welfare model, the primary network model and the philanthropy model, the last of which is discussed in more detail. We conclude with notes on the implicit theoretical presuppositions underlying this diversification, and in particular, on the functionalist premise that the welfare facilities currently being divested by government will in fact be taken over by other parties. Wenn über die meisten europäischen Wohlfahrtsstaaten diskutiert wird, so geschieht dies gewöhlich im Hinblick auf die zwei Alternativen von Markt und Staat. Während der Staat als Repräsentant kollektiver Solidarität umfassende Wohlfahrt bereitstellt, wird der Markt mit Ungleichheit assoziiert. Deshalb richtet sich die erste Frage darauf, ob die Diskussion über eine zukünftige Sozialpolitk beständig auf die polaren Beziehungen von Staat versus Markt, und kollektiver Solidarität versus Ungleichheit hinauslaufen muß. Ist denn der Markt nicht auch in der Lage, kollektive Solidarität hervorzubringen; und fördert, oder jedenfalls verewigt staatliche Wohlfahrtspolitik denn nicht auch Ungleichheit? Die zweite Frage geht dahin, ob Solidarität nicht auch über Verwandschaftsbeziehungen und Philanthropie hergestellt werden kann? Für die Niederlande jedenfalls kann als sicher gelten - wie übrigens für viele andere westeuropäischen Länder auch -, daß die Philanthropie ein comeback erlebt. Der Aufsatz fokussiert auf die Diversifizierung des wohlfahrtsstaatlichen Modelles, weniger auf seine Polarisierung. Zu diesem Zweck werden zum bestehenden Wohlfahrtsstaatsmodell vier neue Modelle hinzugefügt. Diese sind: das Versicherungsmodell, das betriebliche Sozialleistungsmodell, das auf primären Netzwerken basierende Modell und das philanthropische Modell, das im Detail diskutiert wird. Der Aufsatz schließt mit Anmerkungen zu den impliziten theoretischen Vorannahmen dieser Diversifizierung - insbesondere zur funktonalistischen Prämisse, daß die gegenwärtig vom Staat getragenen Einrichtungen in der Tat von anderen Parteien übernommen werden. La discusion sobre el futuro de muchos estados de bienestar europeos normalmente se centra en dos alternativas: el estado y el mercado. El estado representa solidaridad colectiva, un paquete conjunto de bienestar. El mercado está asociado con la desigualdad. La primera cuestión a tratar consiste en saber hasta qué punto la discusión sobre el futuro de la politica social debe siempre ilevarnos a los polos opuestos de estado frente a mercado y solidaridad colectiva frente a desigualdad. Podemos decir que el mercado no está en posición de crear una solidaridad colectiva y que el estado no promueve, o de alguna manera, perpetúa la desigualdad? La segunda cuestión consiste en ver si no existe algo más en el debate sobre el estado de bienstar a parte de los roles del estado y del mercado, No son también la relación y la filantropia mecanismos sociales que crean solidaridad? Puede confirmarse, de todas formas, que en Holanda, como en otros paises de la Europa occidental, la filantropia ha retornado. Este articulo se centra más en la diversificatión del estado de bienestar que en su polarización. A tal efecto, se añaden cuatro modelos de esado de bienestar a los ya existentes: el modelo de seguro, el modelo de empleo, el modelo de red primaria y el modelo de filantropia, el último de los cuales se discute en más detalle. Concluimos con algunas referencias sobre los presupuestos teóricos implicitos en esta diversificación, particularmente sobre la premisa funcionalista de que los servicios y facilidades de bienestar que actualmente están siendo eliminados por el estado serán, de hecho, ofrecidos por otras partes. Dans les débats concernant l'avenir de la plupart des états sociaux d'Europe de l'Ouest, sont habituellement envisagées deux alternatives: le gouvernement et le marché, ce dernier étant associé à la notion d'inégalité. Notre première question est en fait de savoir si le débat sur les futures politiques sociales doit toujours conduire aux p P les opposés de l'Etat contre le marché et de la solidarité collective contre l'inégalité. Le marché n'est-il pas en position de créer de la solidarité collective et le social étatique ne promeut-il pas non plus d'une certaine façon, une inégalité persistante? La seconde question est de savoir dans quelle mesure il n'y a pas plus dans le débat sur l'Etat social que les seuls rôles du gouvernement et du marché. La parenté et la philantropie ne sont-elles pas non plus des méchanismes sociaux qui peuvent créer de la solidarité? On peut en tout cas confirmer qu'aux Pays-Bas, comme dans d'autres pays d'Europe de l'Ouest, la philantropie est de retour. Les auteurs mettent l'accent sur la diversification du modèle de l'Etat social, plutôt que sur sa polarisation. A cette fin, quatre nouveaux modèles ont été ajourés au modèle de l'assurance, le modèle social occupationnel, le modèle du réseau primarie et le modèle philantropique, ce dernier étant abordé plus en détaile. Les auteurs concluent par des notations sur les présupposés théoriques implicites qui sous-tendent cette diversification, et en particulier, sur la prémisse fonctionnaliste supposant que les aménagements sociaux qui sont actuellement dispensés par l'Etat vont en fait être pris en charge par d'autres groupes.     

Revolution in the making? Social media effects across the globe

Social networking sites are popular tools to engage citizens in political campaigns, social movements, and civic life. However, are the effects of social media on civic and political participation revolutionary? How do these effects differ across political contexts? Using 133 cross-sectional studies with 631 estimated coefficients, I examine the relationship between social media use and engagement in civic and political life. The effects of social media use on participation are larger for political expression and smaller for informational uses, but the magnitude of these effects depends on political context. The effects of informational uses of social media on participation are smaller in countries like the United States, with a free and independent press. If there is a social media revolution, it relates to the expression of political views on social networking sites, where the average effect size is comparable to the effects of education on participation.     

The Impact of Liberalization on Female Workers in Quebec: Four Case Studies

Cet article explore l'impact de la libéralisation des marchés sur la main‐d'?uvre féminine au Québec. Il cherche à valider une intuition formulée par Brunelle, Beaulieu and Minier ( 2004 ) en guise de conclusion d'un rapport de recherche mettant en relief l'essor et la prolifération des marchés périphériques du travail dans le capitalisme mondialisé. Parce qu'elles sont surreprésentées dans le travail atypique, les auteurs se demandaient alors si la restructuration des marchés du travail avait des impacts négatifs les femmes. En nous appuyant sur quatre études de cas dans différents secteurs de l'économie (habillement, commerce de détail, télécommunications, services d'aide à domicile), l'article valide l' hypothèse d'une rehiérarchisation genrée du marché du travail sur la base de statuts d'emploi dans le sillage du processus de libéralisation. The article explores the impact of market liberalization on Quebec's female workforce in a context of global capitalism by testing a hypothesis formulated by Brunelle, Beaulieu, and Minier ( 2004 ) as a concluding remark of a research that exposed the burgeoning of secondary labor market: “Is liberalization leading to an employment‐statuses‐based restructuration of labor markets that would have negative impacts on women?” Using four case studies in key sectors of the economy (garments, retail, telecom, home‐care services), the article suggests a genderized rehierarchization of labor markets based on employment statuses in the wake of the liberalization process.     

From Canadian Corporate Elite to Transnational Capitalist Class: Transitions in the Organization of Corporate Power*

Cet article se penche sur un programme de recherche qui a consigné les transitions qui ont été effectuées dans l'élite de l'entreprise canadienne et qui a enquêté dernièrement sur la formation d'une classe capitaliste transnationale. Le programme s'est concentré sur l'organisation sociale du pouvoir des grandes sociétés sous ses aspects à la fois cumulatifs et hégémoniques, telle qu'elle a été retrouvée par le réeseau des conseils d'administration interdépendants dans les plus grandes entreprises. Des événements récents au Canada illustrent les transitions qui semblent indispensables a la forme financière de l'accumulation et aux « politiques axées sur le marché» caractérisant le capitalisme néolibéral Dans l'ensemble, l'analyse du réseau démontre que la classe capitaliste transnationale ne se trouve qu'à l'état naissant malgré l'organisation sociale fournie par les réseaux internationaux et les groupes de planification de politiques mondiaux. This article reflects on a research program that has mapped transitions in the Canadian corporate elite and has more recently investigated the formation of a transnational capitalist class. The program has focussed on the social organization of corporate power in both its accumulative and hegemonic aspects, as traced by the network of interlwkmg directorates among the largest fms. Recent developments in Canada exempw transitions that seem integral to the fmancialized form of accumulation and the “market‐driven politics” that characterize neo‐liberal capitalism. Globally, network analysis shows the transnational capitalist class to be only nascent, despite the social organization provided by transnational interlocks and global policy‐planning groups.     

Verarmungsrisiken nach kritischen Lebensereignissen in Deutschland und den USA

We study how the impact of job loss, sickness, retirement, and family dissolution on the risk of relative income poverty differs between Germany and the United States, and whether the impact of these events has changed between 1980 and 2009. Americans are more likely than Germans to enter poverty after any of the four events, yet they also recover more quickly from job loss and family dissolution. Comparisons over time do not indicate a secular rise in the impact of critical life events on poverty risks, but our results show that poverty trajectories are subject to stronger cyclical fluctuations in the United States: Through its emphasis on market mechanisms, the liberal American welfare state raises the importance of (re-)employment opportunities for coping with the consequences of adverse life events. The absence of clear long-term trends leads to a reassessment of common views about welfare state change such as Jacob Hacker??s thesis of a ??Great Risk Shift?? or the notion of an ??Americanization?? of Continental European welfare states. So far, there is also little evidence that the often claimed recalibration of welfare states towards ??new social risks?? has alleviated the adverse economic consequences of family dissolution.     

Labour-Market Problems and Crime in the Transition from School to Work*

Le passage du monde des études au monde du travail constitue une étape importante dans la vie des jeunes adultes. Les problèmes liés au marché du travail tels que le chômage et la précarité de l'emploi, qui surgissent au cours de cette phase transitoire, peuvent favoriser des comportements criminels, en particulier chez ceux et celles qui ont certaines attentes et convictions vis-à-vis du marche du travail. Les théories sur le contrôle social et les tensions sociales permettent de faire des hypothèses sur l'interaction entre les expériences vécues sur le marché du travail et les comportements menant à des actes criminels. L'hypothèse d'un lien entre l'apparition de problèmes liés au marché du travail et la présence d'amis délinquants fait égale-ment l'objet d'une analyse multivariable qui neutralise les antécédents de délinquance. Les données sont tirées d'une étude longitu-dinale sur de jeunes Canadiens venant de trois villes différentes, qui ont eté suivis pendant quatre ans à la suite de l'obtention de leur diplôme du secondaire. Les résultats fournissent quelques éléments qui appuient la théorie des tensions sociales ainsi que l'influence durable de l'entourage dans le développement de la criminalité au cours de cette période de transition. The transition from school to work represents an important phase in the life cycle of young adults. Labour-market problems, such as unemployment and job instability experienced during this transition may be a source of criminal behaviour, particularly among those who have certain attitudes and beliefs about the labour market. Social-control and strain theories are used to develop hypotheses regarding the interaction between labour-market experiences and attitudes leading to crime. An interaction between labour-market problems and the presence of delinquent friends is also tested in a multi-variate analysis that controls for prior delinquency. The data derive from a longitudinal panel study of Canadian youth from three cities who were followed for four years subsequent to their high school graduation. The results provide some support for strain theory arguments, as well as for the continued importance of delinquent friends for crime in this period of transition.     

Globalisierung und die Veränderung sozialer Ungleichheiten in modernen Gesellschaften

This article deals with the effects of globalization on individual life courses and employment careers and the resulting changes in patterns of social inequality in modern societies. Empirically, we draw back to results from the international research project GLOBALIFE which studied the effects of globalization on modern life courses for the first time. The results show that the effects of globalization on individual life courses show marked differentiation with regards to specific life course phases: while especially the employment of mid-career men remained considerably stable under globalization, the careers of young adults, mid-career women as well as late-career workers underwent significant alterations. At the same time, results from the GLOABLIFE study indicate that the changes induced by globalization have not yet led to identical results at the national level. Globalization appears to be differentially filtered by deeply embedded and path-dependent national institutions. These “institutional packages” entail variable forms of labour market “flexibilisation” which themselves differentially shape patterns of social inequality in modern societies: While Scandinavian countries have largely succeeded in limiting an increase in social inequality under globalization through active public welfare engagement, globalization has led to a significant amplification of social inequalities in other regime types, either between labour market insiders and outsiders (in conservative and Southern European countries) or between individuals with different human capital resources (in liberal countries).     

Discourse or Dialogue? Habermas, the Bakhtin Circle, and the question of concrete utterances

This article argues that the Bakhtin Circle presents a more realistic theory of concrete dialogue than the theory of discourse elaborated by Habermas. The Bakhtin Circle places speech within the ??concrete whole utterance?? and by this phrase they mean that the study of everyday language should be analyzed through the mediations of historical social systems such as capitalism. These mediations are also characterized by a determinate set of contradictions??the capital-labor contradiction in capitalism, for example??that are reproduced in unique ways in more concrete forms of life (the state, education, religion, culture, and so on). Utterances always dialectically refract these processes and as such are internal concrete moments, or concrete social forms, of them. Moreover, new and unrepeatable dialogic events arise in these concrete social forms in order to overcome and understand the constant dialectical flux of social life. But this theory of dialogue is different from that expounded by Habermas, who tends to explore speech acts by reproducing a dualism between repeatable and universal ??abstract?? discursive processes (commonly known as the ideal speech situation) and empirical uses of discourse. These critical points against Habermas are developed by focusing on six main areas: sentences and utterances; the lifeworld and background language; active versus passive understandings of language; validity claims; obligation and relevance in language; and dialectical universalism.     

Discourse of successful aging in The Globe & Mail: Insights from critical gerontology

While the determinants of successful aging receive much attention from researchers, few studies have considered media portrayals of successful aging. Yet the mass media shape the agenda for discussing and understanding aging and transmit the meanings and various experiences of aging between generations. Through thematic analysis of 146 articles featuring older adults in various contexts including family, work, civic engagement, social policy, health care, consumer market, and leisure published in The Globe & Mail in 2004–2006, this paper explores stereotypes of successful aging. Drawing on the insights from critical gerontology and critical discourse analysis, this study suggests that the three themes in the media discourse of successful aging (successful aging as an individual choice, individual responsibility for unsuccessful aging, and how to age successfully by staying engaged) embody the neo-liberal principles of containing the costs of eldercare and maximizing individual effort and responsibility for managing risks of disease and decline in later life.     

Unemployment and occupational aspirations: a panel study of high school graduates*

La plupart des études des aspirations professionnelles des jeunes ont analysé les rapports entre divers facteurs et les aspirations sans chercher à déterminer comment ces aspirations pourraient évoluer au fur et à mesure que les adolescents font la transition entre l'école et le marché du travail. Compte tenu de la situation sur le marché du travail au Canada, les grandes aspirations en matière de carrière de beaucoup de jeunes risquent fort d'être déçues. Les données d'une étude àéchantillon constant chez des jeunes qui avaient terminé leurs études secondaires dans une grande ville de l'Ouest indiquent que l'expérience du chômage au cours de la première année après le départ de l'école conduit à une modération des aspirations profcssionnelles. En examinant ces données, les auteurs cherchent àélucider certaines des grandes questions théoriques touchant la reproduction des inégalités socialcs. Studies of young people's occupational aspirations have typically focussed on their correlates, but have not addressed the question of how aspirations may be modified as teenagers make the transition from school to work. Given the distribution of jobs in the Canadian labour market, many of the high career aspirations of teenagers will not be satisfied. Data from a panel study of high school graduates in a large western Canadian city show how the experience of unemployment in the first year following graduation leads to a reduction in occupational aspirations. These findings are discussed with reference to central sociological questions about the reproduction of social inequalities.     

Arrangements for market intermediation and policies. Modernizing the fruit and vegetable market in France, 1950–1980

This article studies experiments in organizing the fruit and vegetable market from the 1950s till the late 1970s. It shows that there were alternatives to the principle of distribution, e.g. modernizing traditional wholesale markets (carreau) or setting up producer controlled veilings (marchés au cadran, or “clock auctions”). After exposing the rationale underlying each of these models, the empirical conditions are examined for actually implementing change. Attention is drawn to the factors that weigh on social actors in the market, in particular the tension between homogenization and concentration on the one hand, and, on the other hand, the uniqueness of products and transactions.     

The effects of 9/11 on intermarriage between natives and immigrants to the U.S.

The existing literature generally finds a negative impact of the 9/11 tragedy on immigrants?? labor market performance, consistent with increased discrimination in the labor market and stricter immigration policies. In this paper, we examine the impact of this tragic event on a particular measure of immigrants?? social outcomes??marriage with a native or intermarriage. We find that the tragic event actually increases Hispanic immigrants?? probability of being married to a native. We suggest that our results could be explained by that after 9/11, the deteriorated labor market conditions, along with tightened immigration policies, may have led to increased incentives of immigrants to marry natives. This effect is large relative to the potential discrimination effect, if any, that could reduce natives?? willingness to marry an immigrant. We also find that the magnitude of the effect is much smaller in the years immediately following 9/11 and becomes larger over time; and that there exists a large, statistically significant gender difference in the effects of 9/11 on intermarriage outcomes. Finally, we conduct indirect tests of proposed explanations; and our results imply existence of economic gains from intermarriage, and that discrimination may indeed exist.     

The Return of the Market?: Reflections on the Real "Conservative Tradition" in U.S. Policy Discourse

This article examines the ideological continuity underlying recent changes in U.S. policy, arguing that both the "liberal" policies of the 1960s and the "free market" conservatism of the 1980s were based upon the presuppositions of neoclassical economic theory. I first consider the intellectual assumptions of postwar liberalism, emphasizing the degree to which the dominant paradigm of the period accepted the neoclassical framework. Next I examine the conservative neoclassical critique of liberal ideas that developed in the 1970s. The economic upheavals of that decade demonstrated the limits of a postwar liberalism that was only ambiguously committed to state intervention. The result was the reassertion of a more consistent market model in economic policy discourse. I conclude by considering the ideological effects of the dominant neoclassical paradigm today in directing attention away from crucial social problems, particularly those that result from market forces themselves in a rapidly changing global economy.     

The Euro,EU Social Democracy,and International Monetary Power: A Critique of New Constitutionalism

This article critically interrogates the principle claims of the ‘new constitutionalist’ thesis, particularly as applied to the evaluation of European monetary union (EMU). In doing so, it argues for the (continuing) efficacy of the euro as a vector for social democratic advance both at the EU and global levels. It is argued that new constitutionalism's exclusive focus on the internal and external ‘neoliberal’ constraints EMU imposes on social democracy is overdrawn. The article critically examines the internal and external dimension of EMU's alleged ‘self-limitation’. Drawing on evidence from the recent eurozone crises as well as the SGP crisis of the early to mid-2000s, it is argued that EMU's internal self-limitation has been consistently subject to successful challenge and reform through a process of ‘permanent renegotiation’. This has played out in the context of ongoing tension within EMU between alternative models of integration and decision-making. In terms of the external dimension, the article focuses on the euro's structural power and the potential this provides for global leverage. It is argued that new constitutionalism exaggerates American dominance in the global monetary domain, deflecting attention from fundamental changes in the structure and politics of international money that have contributed to the diffusion of power in a new conjuncture marked by policy conflict, contestation and uncertainty. The ‘presence’ of euro is one such structural change.

Este artículo interroga críticamente el punto principal de la tesis de los ‘nuevos constitucionalistas,’ particularmente como se aplica a la evaluación de la Unión Monetaria Europea (UEM, por su sigla en inglés). Al hacer esto, argumenta por la (continua) eficacia del euro, como un vector para el avance social democrático, tanto a nivel de la Unión Europea como global. Sostiene que el enfoque exclusivo del nuevo constitucionalismo en el ‘neoliberalismo’ interno y externo y las restricciones que la Unión monetaria europea impone a la democracia social, son una exageración. El artículo examina críticamente la dimensión interna y externa de la UEM como una supuesta ‘autolimitación.’ Partiendo de la evidencia tanto de la reciente crisis de la zona del euro, como de la crisis del SGP del principio a mediados de la década del 2000, propone que la autolimitación interna de la UEM ha estado consistentemente sujeta al reto y la reforma, a través de un proceso de ‘renegociación permanente’. Esto se materializó en el contexto de la tensión en curso dentro de la UEM entre modelos alternativos de integración y la toma de decisiones. En términos de la dimensión externa, el artículo se enfoca en el poder estructural del euro y el potencial que esto provee para el apalancamiento global. Se sostiene que el nuevo constitucionalismo exagera el domino americano en el dominio monetario, desviando la atención a los cambios fundamentales en las estructuras y políticas de la moneda internacional, que ha contribuido a la difusión del poder en una coyuntura marcada por el conflicto político, la disputa y la incertidumbre. La ‘presencia’ del euro es uno de los grandes cambios estructurales.

本文批判性地质问“新立宪主义者”的观点,尤其是当运用于欧洲货币联盟改革评价时。在此情况下,它论证了在欧盟及全球层次上都作为一种社会民主主义发展矢量的欧元的持续性效力。本文认为,新立宪主义对欧洲货币联盟施加于社会民主主义的内部和外部的“新自由主义”约束所给予的独有关注被夸大了。文章批判性地考察了欧洲货币联盟所谓“自我限制”的内部和外部维度。以最近欧元区的危机以及世纪之初稳定与增长公约的危机为据,本文提出欧洲货币联盟的内部自我限制一直受到“长久再协商”进程中的成功改革与挑战。这在欧洲货币联盟内一体化与决策的可选模式之间当前的紧张背景下已经走到头。在外部维度上,本文关注欧元区的结构性实力以及为全球影响力做准备的潜在实力。本文认为,新立宪主义夸大了全球货币领域的美国支配地位,从而忽视了在一个以政策冲突、论争和不确定性为标志的紧要关头,对权力扩散产生了促进作用的国际货币结构与政治的根本性变革。欧元的“存在”就是这样一种结构变革。

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Associations,active citizenship,and the quality of democracy in Brazil and Mexico

In many Third Wave democracies large classes of people experience diminished forms of citizenship. The systematic exclusion from mandated public goods and services significantly injures the citizenship and life chances of entire social groups. In democratic theory civil associations have a fundamental role to play in reversing this reality. One strand of theory, known as civic engagement, suggests that associations empower their members to engage in public politics, hold state officials to account, claim public services, and thereby improve the quality of democracy. Empirical demonstration of the argument is surprisingly rare, however, and limited to affluent democracies. In this article, we use original survey data for two large cities in Third Wave democracies—São Paulo and Mexico City—to explore this argument in a novel way. We focus on the extent to which participation in associations (or associationalism) increases “active citizenship”—the effort to negotiate directly with state agents access to goods and services legally mandated for public provision, such as healthcare, sanitation, and security—rather than civic engagement, which encompasses any voluntary and public spirited activity. We examine separately associationalism’s impact on the quality of citizenship, a dimension that varies independently from the level of active citizenship, by assessing differences in the types of citizenship practices individuals use to obtain access to vital goods and services. To interpret the findings, and identify possible causal pathways, the paper moves back-and-forth between two major research traditions that are rarely brought into dialogue: civic engagement and comparative historical studies of democratization.     

Barriers to Environmental Sacrifice: The Interaction of Free Rider Fears with Education,Income, and Ideology

Sacrificing individual material interests for collective benefits involves trust that others will act in good faith. Inherent to situations concerning collective goods is the problem of the free rider that plagues collective action: the individual who maximizes their short-term interests at the cost of the greater good. Prior research in environmental sociology has identified various social structural factors predicting pro-environmental behavior and concern, while research on social dilemmas has explored the role of trust in determining cooperation in situations regarding collective goods. This research draws upon these areas of scholarship to examine the interaction between free rider fears with education, income, and ideology in determining the willingness of Americans to sacrifice individual interest for environmental protection through an analysis of 2010 General Social Survey data. Findings help differentiate the engagement of pro-environmental behavior from general environmental concern, with the fear of free riders particularly impacting the highly educated and ideological liberals.     

Free agent or ‘conscious automaton’? Contrasting interpretations of the individual in Spencer's writing on social and moral life

Herbert Spencer remains an important and intriguing figure in thinking about political, social and moral matters. At present his writings in relation to idealist thought, social policy, sociology and ethics are undergoing reassessment. This article is concerned with some recent interpretations of Spencer on individuals in social life. It looks in some detail at Spencer's work on psychology and sociology as well as on ethics, seeking to establish how Spencer understood people as social individuals. In particular the neglect of Spencer's denial of freedom of the will is identified as a problem in some recent interpretations. One of his contemporary critics, J.E. Cairnes, charged that Spencer's own theory of social evolution left even Spencer himself the status of only a ‘conscious automaton’. This article, drawing on a range of past and present interpretative discussions of Spencer, seeks to show that Spencerian individuals are psychically and socially so constituted as to be only indirectly responsive to moral suasion, even to that of his own Principles of Ethics as he himself acknowledged. Whilst overtly reconstructionist projects to develop a liberal utilitarianism out of Spencer to enliven political and philosophical debate for today are worthwhile—dead theorists have uses—care needs to be taken that the original context and its concerns with the processes associated with innovation (and decay) in social life are not thereby eclipsed, the more so since in some important respects they have recently received little systematic attention even though the issues have contemporary relevance in sociology.