中国民族间发展的多重差异格局与差别化、协同性政策开发研究——论中国民族关系的新形态与民族政策的新体系

After 60 years of implementation, the ethnic regional autonomous policy has provided basic political support for promoting the common development and prosperity of all ethnic groups. Especially since the period of “Reform and Open-ing Up” began, the national preferential policies and support for ethnic minority areas gradually in-creased, and economic and social development in the ethnic minority areas clearly speeded up. Ac-cording to official statistics, after more than 30 years of “Reform and Opening Up”, the economic growth rate of China’s ethnic minority areas is high-er than the national average. However, at the same time , the economic and social development gap be-tween different ethnic groups has become more and more pronounced. The development of the ethnic groups has created a structure of multiple dispari-ties, which fundamentally restricts ethnic unity, as well as political and social stability in ethnic areas of China. This structure of multiple disparities re-flects the imbalances mainly in four aspects: 1 ) the ongoing large gap between the ethnic minority areas and Han Chinese regions remains; 2 ) the unequal economic and social development among the various ethnic minority people has expanded;3 ) the economic gap within the same ethnic minor-ity autonomous region has gradually become more pronounced;and, 4 ) the differences in develop-ment within the same ethnic group who live in vari-ous regions of China are also very obvious. The multiple inequalities of the economic and social development of China’s ethnic groups add more complexity to the ethnic problems of China. The disparity in economic and social development between different ethnic groups is not only an eco-nomic problem, but is also a significant political issue. Hence, promoting a balanced economic and social development among the various ethnic groups has a very obvious practical significance for main-taining ethnic unity, promoting national integra-tion, and maintaining national stability . Based on the discussion above, this article mainly explores which kind of ethnic policy can ef-fectively resolve the multiple disparities found with-in ethnic development and is beneficial for promo-ting the integration of the various ethnic groups in China? On the basis of summarizing and reviewing approaches found in earlier research, the author puts forward the following core ideas:1 ) The economic and social development differences of various ethnic groups have formed a pattern of multiple disparities in China, and it is no longer simply a gap between the Han and ethnic minorities. Since the implementation of the “Re-form and Opening Up” policy, the differentiation or disparity between China’s ethnic minorities has become more and more pronounced—this phenom-enon constitutes a new challenge to China’s ethnic unity and national unification. Therefore, we must adjust ethnic policy in order to solve the “true problem” or “new problem” concerning China’s ethnic problem. 2 ) The multi-faceted disparities found in the economic and social development among China’s ethnic minorities result from many factors, inclu-ding institutional, policy, historical, geographical, cultural, and psychological. Therefore, we must realize a diversity of ethnic policy, and build a comprehensive ethnic policy system. 3 ) For the purpose of realizing the integration and state construction of the ethnic groups, in ad-dition to implementing the current policy of differ-entiation, we must also ensure a “four balanced and coordinated development”. This includes a balance between the Han areas and ethnic minority areas, a balance among the various ethnic minori-ties themselves, a balance within the same ethnic minority areas, and a balance within the same eth-nic group who live in different areas. This requires the central government to strengthen a double dif-ferentiation and collaborative orientation of ethnic policies concerning the market, labor, resources, technology, and capital.     

学校教育中传承民族文化存在的问题及对策——以北川羌族自治县的学校教育为例

The Qiang are one of the most ancient ethnic groups in China, and their rich cul-ture is an important part of Chinese culture. Bei-chuan Qiang Autonomous County, in Sichuan province, is a unique Qiang Autonomous County in China, which has an exceptional foundation for transmitting Qiang ethnic culture through school education. However, the county’s transmission of Qiang ethnic culture through school education still faces some problems, such as lack of educational investment, poor teacher resources, lack of ethnic cultural inheritors, and students’ lack of ethnic self-confidence. In view of series dilemmas faced by Beichuan Qiang Autonomous County in trans-mitting Qiang ethnic culture through school educa-tion, this article proposes the following suggestions based on our investigations:1 . Increase the investment in school educa-tion In view of the lack of educational investment, we suggest the following measure be adopted: 1 ) increase educational investment from various levels of the government, especially increasing special in-vestment in transmitting Qiang ethnic culture through school education;2 ) raise funds from the public;3 ) have the schools engage in their own fundraising, and 5 ) make efforts to get foreign aid. 2 . Strengthen the investment in improving teacher resources In view of the problem of poor teacher re-sources, we suggest the following measures: 1 ) strengthen policy support from the national level, and solve the problem of poor teacher resources through training teachers in universities for nation-alities. 2 ) invite Qiang cultural inheritors to be teachers; 3 ) strengthen the technical training of the school teachers, and improve the teachers’ skills;4) add more teacher positions, and improve the treatment of teachers;5 ) encourage teachers to devote their life to the education and inheritance of Qiang culture. 3 . To promote the motivation for studying eth-nic culture In view of the students’ lack of motivation for studying ethnic culture, and the lack of people who go on to inherit the ethnic cultural heritage, we suggest the following: 1 ) Beichuan Autonomous County should help the young Qiang people to be locally employed through developing ethnic econo-mies, and to inherit ethnic culture via developing tourism with ethnic characteristics. 2) Family edu-cation should be closely connected with school edu-cation;3 ) to include an exam on Qiang ethic cul-ture in school entrance examinations in order to re-flect the importance of ethnic culture study;4 ) to add some ethnic culture courses in schools for na-tionalities. 4 . To strengthen the ethnic pride and confi-dence of Qiang students In view of the issue of Qiang students’ lack of ethnic confidence and pride, we suggest the follow-ing:1 ) open Qiang language courses in schools in Qiang areas; 2 ) enlarge the usage range of the Qiang language; 3 ) help students to understand the charm of Qiang culture, and let them feel eth-nic pride. 5 . To standardize and promote a common Qiang language In view of the issue that Qiang have no written language, their spoken language is too complicat-ed, and there are too many dialects, we suggest that the National Languages and Scripts Work Committee should work with Qiang scholars and ex-perts to create a basic dialect of the Qiang-a com-mon Qiang language, which should be promoted in school education, just like mandarin Chinese in school education.     

现代文明背景下的传统文化传承——以“羌族文化进校园”活动在四川汶川县的实践为例

Modernization and globalization have already become the central themes of contem-porary China. As the carriers of traditional ethnic culture, ethnic minority villages and families have inevitably been involved in this development trend. After school-aged children in ethnic minority fami-lies enter schools, they are separated from their o-riginal cultural environment; meanwhile, the school curriculum is entirely based on the modern western education system. As a result, traditional culture inheritance among contemporary China’s younger generations has been facing unprecedented challenges and crises. The project of ‘Ethnic Culture Entering School Activities’ , which has been implemented in some ethnic minority regions in recent years, can be considered as a beneficial effort to realize the live transmission of ethnic intangible culture by means of school education. ‘Ethnic Culture Ente-ring School Activities ’ , was first initiated in Guizhou province, and later was gradually expand-ed to Yunnan, Guangxi, Hunan, and other prov-inces that have a number of ethnic minorities. Al-though Sichuan province is home to many Tibetan, Qiang , and Yi peoples, this project was implemen-ted in Sichuan very late, thus there is little rele-vant research. Based on the investigations on the status of ‘Qiang Culture entering School Activi-ties’ at three schools in Sichuan’s Wenchuan coun-ty, this article summarizes the characteristics and existing problems in different schools for the trans-mission of ethnic culture so as to provide a reliable reference for related projects in the future. With a survey analysis, the author discovers that ‘Qiang Culture entering School Activities’ at these three schools show differences in terms of the richness of course design, the awareness of its im-portance, and implementation effect; meanwhile, those exiting problems not only reveal the perva-siveness of this project throughout southwest Chi-na, but also show the individual particularities caused by geographical location, school level, and main tasks. Moreover, when investigating these is-sues more deeply, four ‘hidden’ features can be summarized as follows:First, there are structural differences between ordinary elementary and middle schools and voca-tional schools. Vocational schools emphasize more on the transmission of ethnic cultures. Second, the traditional culture of local ethnic minorities has been inherited more naturally in the marginal regions than those more urbanized re-gions. Third, although they are all recognized as in-tangible heritage, different types of traditional cul-ture have an unequal development. The performing type such as singing and dancing shows the most superior transmission ability in ethnic culture; the second superior type is traditional handicraft while ethnic language is obviously the most difficult one in terms of the transmission of ethnic culture. Fourth, the ‘Ethnic Culture Entering School Activities ’ project in different ethnic minority groups has the unbalanced development even in the same region. In the Aba Tibetan and Qiang Auton-omous Prefecture, the Qiang elites generally com-plain that their minority groups have received far less favorable national preferential policies and are viewed with less importance than Tibetan people. The compiling of Tibetan textbooks, Tibetan lan-guage curriculum, and bilingual examination sys-tem are more conducive to the transmission of Ti-betan culture. Concerning the above mentioned problems, this article puts forward the following suggestions:first, the relevant administration should further in-crease the capital investment, and promote the training of teaching staff and school-based text-books;second, local education departments should set up an efficient assessment and incentive mecha-nism, and promote the formation of a social envi-ronment wherein ethnic cultural study has useful applications;finally, schools in ethnic minority re-gions should strengthen cooperation and exchanges among themselves, and build connections with rel-evant education administrations and research insti-tutions. The fundamental difficulty in implementing the ‘Ethnic Culture Entering School Activities ’ project lies in the fact that traditional culture has not been included in the examination content of the modern education system. Therefore, in the ele-mentary and middle school education, the primary goal is to increase the enrollment rate of students, while the transmission of traditional culture is noth-ing more than a slogan. In order to achieve the goal of integrating traditional ethnic culture into the modern education system, we must rely on the co-operation among education administrations, schools, families, and society as a whole, and constantly improve corresponding assessment and incentive mechanisms, thus jointly creating a so-cial environment that ethnic culture has useful ap-plications. Meanwhile, intangible cultural carri-ers, intellectuals who desire to disseminate their ethnic culture, and the parents of the students should all be encouraged to participate; by doing so, we can accelerate the spread of ethnic culture into local schools step by step.     

论民族自治地方立法公众参与机制的完善

The legislative public participation in ethnic minority autonomous areas has its legal basis. The fifth regulation in the lifa fa ( The Leg-islative Law ) of China makes a general require-ment on public participation in legislation. In order to ensure the effective participation of the public in legislation, some ethnic minority autonomous re-gions have outlined some requirements on public comment, demonstration, and hearing during the legislative process through autonomous regulations. These ethnic minority autonomous areas are com-prised of both autonomous regions, autonomous prefectures and autonomous counties. However, the breadth and depth of the public participation in legislation in ethnic minority auton-omous areas is inadequate, and a perfect mecha-nism of public participation in legislation in ethnic minority autonomous areas has yet to be formed. This is mainly reflected in the following aspects:1 ) The relevant laws of public participation in leg-islation have not been perfected;2 ) The enthusi-asm of public participation in legislation is not high;3) Legislative information is not fully open, and the feedback mechanism has not been perfec-ted;4 ) The limited approach for public participa-tion in legislation, and the lack of ethnic and re-gional characteristics. To improve the mechanism of public partici-pation in the legislation of ethnic minority autono-mous areas, we can start with the following:1 ) Improving the legal regulation of public participation in the legislation of ethnic minority
autonomous areas The state and the ethnic minority autonomous areas should develop operational laws of public participation, so as to provide a legal basis for the public’s participation. The ethnic minority autono-mous areas should fully integrate the actual situa-tion of the local ethnic people and create autono-mous regulations with local characteristics, protect public participation rights, and promote public participation in legislation in an orderly and effec-tive manner. 2 ) Improving the level of enthusiasm forpublic participation in ethnic minority autonomous areas From a subjective standpoint, correct ideas on public participation in legislation in ethnic minority autonomous areas should be cultivated. Firstly, the awareness of the public participation in legislation in ethnic minority autonomous areas should be pro-moted . Secondly the autonomous organ’s concept of legislation should be changed. From an objective point of view, on the one hand, we should vigor-ously promote the development of the economy in ethnic minority autonomous areas. On the other hand, we should make great efforts to promote the development of civil society. 3 ) Improving dissemination of information and feedback mechanisms for public participation in legislation of ethnic minority autonomous areas The dissemination of information publicity and feedback mechanism of the public participation in-ethnic minority autonomous areas should be estab-lished on the basis of two-way communication and
consultation between the autonomous organs and the population of all ethnic groups in ethnic minori-ty autonomous areas. Autonomous bodies fully dis-close all kinds of legislative information to the pub-lic, from whom the autonomous bodies obtain legis-lative views, through to the legislative information feedback to complete the legislative interaction be-tween the two sides. 4 ) Developing and expanding effective meth-ods of public participation in the legislation of eth-nic minority autonomous areas The effective methods of public participation in the legislation of ethnic minority autonomous ar-eas can be considered from two standpoints:The first is the endogenous mode of public participation in legislation. This means, according to its own objective conditions and actual needs, relying on the inner force of the autonomous bodies and the populations of all ethnic groups, the ethnic minori-ty autonomous areas can explore and innovate suit-able methods for the local legislation of public par-ticipation. The second is the exogenous mode of public participation in legislation. This means, in order to expand the public participation in the leg-
islation, ethnic minority autonomous areas learn, understand, and borrow some foreign public partic-ipation methods and techniques, making it a suit-able method for local public participation in legis-lation.     

中缅边境城镇缅甸籍人员生计方式与生活空间——基于云南瑞丽的调查

Against the background of good border trade policies and the prosperous economy of China, and in addition to the ethnic groups who have lived along the border for generations, a large number of Burmese nationals have entered the Sino-Burmese border area, seeking opportunities to work, trade and live. Among the population of for￣eigners living in China, Burmese nationals take fourth place. They are mainly distributed in the Si￣no-Burmese border areas. Based on an in-depth investigation of the Burmese nationals who have crossed the border and live in the Ruili National Development Experimental Zone, the paper points out the structural differences between those Bur￣mese nationals who belong to Cross-border Ethnic Groups and those who are cross-border migrants and who concentrate in and ethnic enclaves. It also specifies their different means of livelihood, living spaces and religious practices.
The survey shows that the Burmese nationals who belong to Cross-border Ethnic Groups can be traced back to the official border demarcation of the two countries in 1960 , when they migrated to towns and farms in Ruili, mainly through mar￣riage, and made their living by engaging in tradi￣tional agriculture, selling petty commodities, trading agricultural products, opening traditional restaurant/guest houses, offering tourism services or starting family handicraft workshops. They mainly speak their ethnic minority language, and are able to understand some Chinese. They are bound together by the same religious beliefs inside and outside of China. According to the investiga￣tion, since the marriage registration for Sino-Bur￣mese Border Area in 2006 , at the end of 2014 , there are 2331 registered transnational couples in Ruili City, all of whom are Burmese nationals who live along the border. Except for some Han People who married other ethnic peoples, the rest of the ethnic groups were endogamous. According to my field survey, which was confirmed by local woman cardees, the number of cross-border marriages in Ruili is actually much higher than this statistic. This is because, for a variety of reasons, a sub￣stantial number of couples did not go to the regis￣tration office.
As for the Burmese who are cross-border mi￣grants and who concentrate in ethnic enclaves, they are mostly Burman, Sino-Burmese, Burmese Indians and Burmese Pakistanis, and Arakanese. Since China’s 1992 policy to open the border, the Jiegao Bridge connecting China and Burma was built, and this group of people began to enter Chi￣na. In recent years, with the industrial transforma￣tion and development in the Ruili area, as well as the better social environment, more and more Bur￣mese nationals have crossed the border and settled down in Ruili, making a living by buying( or ren￣ting) houses, selling raw materials for jewelry and jade, processing Rosewood, and working as factory workers, construction workers, waiters and wait￣resses, and peddlers, etc. They mainly speak Bur￣mese ( Sino-Burmese are bilingual ) . Influenced and dominated by government policies, their choices of living areas are related to their ethnic i￣dentity, religious beliefs and economic power. The city of Ruili has undoubtedly left its mark.
In summary,although the “human migration”of a“Transnational class” under the background of globalization, including -immigrants, migrant la￣borers, and migrant businessmen, “Transnational social space” has been constructed in various meg￣alopolis like Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou and Shenzhen, a more complicated means of livelihood and living space has been constructed by those Burmese nationals “who belong to Cross -border Ethnic Groups”, and those Burmese nationals who cross the border as migrants and live in ethnic en￣claves in the border cities and towns of Yunnan and Burma.     

贵州喀斯特墓葬与民族地区的殡葬改革

Funeral and interment reform is a social revolution of changing customs and tradi-tions, which is conducive to promoting the con-struction of the socialist material, spiritual and ec-ological civilization. The replacement of burial with cremation is the direction of China’s reform on fu-neral and interment traditions. The reform itself is put forward by aiming at the disadvantages of the Han people’s traditional burial custom, however, Guizhou is a typical karst region in China, in which several forms of karst burial have existed throughout history, such as cliff coffins, cave tombs, and sarcophagi, and these customs have been continued to some certain degree up to now. Therefore, how to manage the relation between cre-mation and karst burials has a significant meaning to the respect of the ethnic minorities’ customs and promoting the funeral and interment reform in eth-nic regions. The Binzang guanli tiaoli ( Funeral and inter-ment management regulations) issued by the State Council in 1997 stipulates that “ the objective of the funeral and interment management is to carry out cremation, reform burial, save the interment land, abolish undesirable customs related to the fu-nerals and interment actively and methodically, and advocate civilized and thrifty funerary prac-tices”. That is to say, the original intentions for promoting cremation in the funeral and interment reform for many years include the advocating of thrifty funerals, reducing the burden of funerals on the masses, changing the people’s concept of luxu-rious burials, and saving the cost of funeral in the aspect of economy;banishing superstitions, getting rid of bad habits, and opposing the feudal dross in the aspect of culture; and saving resources and protecting limited cultivated land in the aspect of ecology. In general, the abolition of burial and im-plementation of cremation has become the reform direction of China’s funeral and interment system. Guizhou is a typical karst area in China. There are various forms of cliff-burying, rock tombs, sarcophagi, and cave tombs etc. , especial-ly the cave-burial which is still popular among the Waishu Miao at Taohua village in Qibo township, Pingba County and among the Qing Yao at Yaolu village in Libo County, and sarcophagus burial which is still popular among the Li clan of the Waishu Miao at Xinyi village in Guangzhao town-ship, Qinglong County. These structures reflect the karst characteris-tics of Guizhou tombs, and have an important eco-logical value. The funeral and interment reform is put forward by aiming at the drawbacks of the tra-ditional burial practices of the Han, so if the cliff burial or sarcophagus tombs which have ecological value had been forced to be replaced with crema-tion in the funeral and interment reform, it will lead to an embarrassing situation which is contrary to the original intention of the reform no matter if we consider it from cultural, economic or ecologi-cal viewpoints. Firstly, it will cause a dilemma at the cultural level. We must consider the characteristics of the funeral customs of the ethnic groups during the process of reforming the funeral and interment cus-toms in the ethnic minority areas, in other words, respect the funeral customs of ethnic minorities, as it is an important content of the CCP and the state’s policy for respecting the customs and habits of eth-nic minorities. Due to the differences in geograph-ical environment and social economy, the ethnic minorities have different funeral customs with their own characteristics. These funeral customs, as a part of ethnic culture, help to construct a ritual with a kind of ethnic identity;it is the mark of na-tional culture, which embodies ethnic emotions and maintains ethnic consciousness. The ‘univer-sal application’ in the funeral and interment sys-tem reform doubtlessly make the disappearance of karst characteristics in Guizhou’s burial culture, the diversified burial way has been replaced with single cremation, and that is not good for the pro-tection of cultural diversity. Secondly, it will cause an economic dilemma. One of the purposes of the funeral and intermentre-form is to save funeral costs, and change the con-cept of organizing luxury funerals. The traditional burial custom contains a set of complex funeral cer-emony, which is organized in a very luxurious way, spend a lot of money and increase the people’s economic burden. In contrast, cremation can save costs. However in today’s rural areas, af-ter cremation, the ashes are still buried after being put into a coffin, so it not only increases the eco-nomic burden of the people, but also does not meet the purpose for farmland conservation, hence, it is contrary to the original intention of the funeral re-form, and also causes dissatisfaction among the people. Therefore, compared with cremation, sar-cophagus and cave burial which are still popular in Guizhou are actually a more economic practice. Thirdly,it causes an ecological dilemma. The purpose of funeral reform is to save resources and protect the limited farmland. The traditional burial practice uses coffins and pile graves, which wastes wood, occupies farmland, and also pollutes the en-vironment. Therefore, the environmental protection is the premise and ultimate goal of the funeral and interment reform. Cave burial in Guizhou uses the natural caves, and does not occupy farmland; sar-cophagus burial does not use wooden coffins, so both of them belong to ecological burial practices. However, the implementation of cremation in the areas which used to conduct cave or sarcophagus-burials has created an embarrassing situation. Cave burial and sarcophagus tombs in Guizhou karst areas contain rich ecological ideas, which not only have positive social and practical significance for the protection of the ecological en-vironment of the area, but also have an important reference meaning for the promotion of “ecological funeral” or green funeral in China. Different ethnic groups and different areas have different forms of funeral customs, which have their own justifications. Therefore, the Fu-neral and Interment reform should adapt to local conditions, and take into the consideration the characteristics of the karst region in the case of Guizhou, and fully draw on the rational factors of ethnic burial. The present funeral and interment reform can take reference from the following three aspects from the ethnic burial culture of Guizhou:The first is to delimit some appropriate burial zones and maintain properly some burial customs which has ecological value. We advocate various forms of burial in these specific burial zones, for instances, tree burial of the Basha Miao in Con-gjiang country, deep burial of the Chang-clan Yao in Libo county, and sarcophagus tombs of Li-clan Waishu Miao in Qinglong County. These forms of burial with ecological protection value not only play an exemplary role for the ecological protection in ethnic regions, but also will help for the ethnic cultural inheritance. The second is to make full use of the natural characteristics of the karst area, and properly en-courage cave burial which does not take up the cul-tivated land. In this way, not only can the cave burial custom of the Yao in Libo and the Washu Miao in Pingba be kept, but also the cliff burial custom which does not take up the cultivated land could be encouraged among the residents in the karst region. This kind of cliff burial not only re-duces the waste of cultivated land, but also re-stricts the superstitious activities in the funeral. The karst area in Guizhou is very extensive, so it has a unique advantage in conducting cave burial. The funeral and interment reform can take the local conditions into consideration, and play up the ad-vantages of natural environment. Instead of empha-sizing cremation blindly, we should take the cave burial into practice. The third is to convert karst caves into ceme-tery for placing ashes so as to change the tradition-al way of building a cemetery on the hill for placing ashes in the cremation areas. In the karst area, if an area is delimited as a cremation zone, then the burial of body or burial of bone ash coffin should be prohibited. Generally, ashes should be deposi-ted in sepulchral chapels or buried in cemeteries. Although most cemeteries are built on barren hills or land, they still occupy land and waste land re-sources. The use of cement and stone materials creates white pollution. Meanwhile, the construc-tion of cemeteries destroys the mountain and causes soil erosion. Therefore, the cemetery is not the di-rection of the funeral and interment reform in the long run, and also does not meet the original inten-tion of the reform.     

A Study on the Change in Occupational Structure of China’ s Ethnic Minorities

The occupational structure of the employed population and its changes reflect the level of economic development and the change of social status of a population group .Based on cen-sus data , this paper analyzes the occupational structure of the employed population of China ＇ s ethnic minorities.It shows that： 1 ） Among the employed population of the eth-nic minorities （ excepting those people who are en-gaged in forestry , animal husbandry and fishery , etc., a proportion which is higher than the overall population or the Han ） , the proportion is lower than in either the overall population or the Han population . 2 ） The gender differences and directional change of the occupational structure of the em-ployed population indicates that the status of women was gradually promoted during the period 1990 to 2010. 3） Seen from the proportion of those engaged in mental labor versus physical labor;the proportion ethnic minorities engaged in mental labor is low . 4） The degree of diversity in the occupational structure of the ethnic minorities has made some improvement. 5 ） The ethnic differences in occupational structure are obvious . 6） The urbanization level and the educational level of the population are the key factors which determine the occupational structure of the em-ployed population . From this study , we feel that the degree of so-cial exclusion of the ethnic minorities has gone up during the past ten years .This ＂going up＂ has lead or is leading to social problems .Hence, it is necessary to pay high attention to this issue .Re-garding this, the author thinks that , firstly, sup-port to ethnic minority education should be en-hanced;secondly , the proportion of ethnic minori-ty people in civil servant recruitment should be im-proved;thirdly, the proportion of the employment of ethnic minority workers in projects in ethnic mi-nority regions should be stipulated .     

南京国民政府时期全国性议政机构中少数民族代表考察

China is a multi-ethnic country. From the wuzu gonghe ( Five nationalities under one union ) in the early Republic of China to the current union of 56 ethnic groups, the participation of ethnic minorities in political affairs has always been a vital and important factor for the develop-ment of China’s democratic politics. On one hand, the Nanjing National Government was dedicated to the model of a“civil identification” and weakening ethnic characteristics. On the other hand, due to the immense pressure from the resistance of the Japanese invasion and the increase of minority representatives’ appeals, they had to gradually al-low some ethnic elites, as ethnic minority repre-sentatives, to participate in the national affairs so that they could acquire more political identity. Al-though the government of the Republic of China claimed “Five nationalities under one union” as well as declaring many times to guarantee extensive and orderly ethnic minority participation in national affairs, by analyzing cases of elections in the state council agencies during the period of Nanjing na-tional government, not all the promises were imple-mented. I. The general situation of the elections for ethnic minority representatives in the state council agencies. In the National Conference in 1931 , only Mongolia and Tibet were allowed to organize their own elections and send their own ethnic representa-tives. Among the total of 520 national conference representatives, Mongolian representatives accoun-ted for 12 , and Tibetans accounted for 10 . The National Political Council, which also known as“the Congress during war”, was founded on July 6 , 1938 , and was abolished on March 28 , 1948 . It lasted for 9 years and held conferences a total of 4 times. In all the 4 conferences, 10 people were elected as participants to represent Tibet to discuss political affairs, and 18 people were elected as participants representing Mongolia. However, al-though other minorities were not regarded as elec-ted units, yet still some outstanding personages from these ethnic minorities were recommended by their provinces or other political organs as partici-pants to discuss national political affairs. In the National Assembly held on November 15 , 1946 , each of the following provinces, including Yun-nan, Guizhou, Xikang, Sichuan, Guangxi and Hunan, were allowed to send ten people who re-presented their local ethnic minorities to discuss political affairs. In the National Assembly held in March of 1948 , not only the numbers of ethnic mi-norities increased, but also the way of electing them was improved. II. An analysis of the election conditions of the ethnic minority representatives in the national state agencies. 1 . Although the numbers of ethnic minority representatives increased, nevertheless, the pro-portion of them did not. During 18 years ( 1931-1948 ) , the number of the ethnic minority repre-sentatives increased from the initial 22 to 147 . However, the proportion of them only increased by 0. 7%, which was not so remarkable. 2 . The structure of the ethnic minority repre-sentatives was complicated, but most came from the “upper classes”. In the year of 1931 , there were only 6 representatives for the state conference from both Mongolia and Tibet. By the year 1948, there were 148 ethnic minority representatives coming from Mongolian, Tibetan, Hui, Manchu, Miao, Yi, and, so on, ethnic groups. As a result, the structure of ethnic representation was more complex as the numbers increased during the peri-od of Nanjing National Government. Many repre-sentatives were elected by the selection method, and most of them came from the upper classes. Therefore, structurally, representatives from the bottom rung of society who deeply understood the sufferings of ethnic people, were lacking. 3 . The regional characteristics of the ethnic minorities were weakened and the ethnic character-istics were strengthened. With regard to the elec-tion of representatives for the National Conference held in 1931, in consideration of regional politics, only Tibet and Mongolia were chosen as election u-nits which could hold their own elections. When the National Political Council was held in 1938 , the situation had not changed. Many provinces, for example, Xinjiang, and Ningxia, and many south-western provinces, which were home to many eth-nic minority people, could only select their repre-sentatives through elections held either by organiza-tionsor elections on the provincial or municipal lev-el. It was not until the victory of the war against Japan, that the National government acknowledged the particular characteristics of the southwestern ethnic minorities. It was only at the time of the e-lection for the representatives for the National As-sembly, that the Manchu and Hui achieved the right to hold their own election separately. III. “Five nationalities under one union” or“Single nation state”? Although the Nanjing National Government claimed “Five nationalities under one union” and asserted to the public that all the nationalities were equal, Sun Yat-sen and Chiang Kai-shek were hopeful of building a country which promoted the situation of a “single nation state”. Their ethnic policies embraced the hope of the national govern-ment, i. e. to replace“ethnic identity” with“state identity”. In fact, with the awakening of ethnic consciousness in modern times, it was obvious that the idea that 400 million of people came from the same nationalities was only the government’s view. During that time, although the political status of a few ethnic minorities was acknowledged by the gov-ernment and the number of the ethnic minority rep-resentatives increased, the change was not promo-ted by the national government on its own accord. First of all, because of the pressure from the resist-ance to the Japanese invasion, all the social clas-ses needed to unify. In addition, many ethnic elites tried their best to gain the opportunity to par-ticipate in national affairs. What’s more, the eth-nic policies in those regions governed by the Com-munist Party were also one of the influential fac-tors. From the National Conference to the National Assembly, the criteria for holding elections were still only acquired by the Mongols, Tibetans, Hui, Manchus and the ethnic minorities in the southeast-ern border areas. All in all, it was an unequal way for ethnic minority representatives to participate in national affairs. Objectively, the ideal of a “Single Nation state” which was pursued by the nationalists was not suitable for China’s situation. Instead, it might be the cause of ethnic conflicts. China has a vast territory with uneven economic development. The transportation, economy and education in the re-gions where ethnic minorities live were mostly un-developed. As a result, it was difficult for the eth-nic minorities to win when they campaigned with the inner regions which held many resources. Fur-thermore, although a few of the ethnic minorities were gradually granted the status of political sub-ject by the Nanjing National Government, this process lacked efficiency. A large group of the ci-vilians belonging to ethnic minorities had trouble approaching state identification while, moreover, their own ethnic identification was not acknowl-edged by the government. Therefore, the ethnic minority region naturally found it difficult to identi-fy with the rule of the national government.     

论藏彝走廊回、藏和谐民族关系的形成机制

基于笔者2012-2013年在四川松潘、云南迪庆、甘南合作、西藏昌都的田野调查,从动力机制和制度保障两个维度考察藏彝走廊形成回、藏和谐民族关系原因.认为生活在藏彝走廊的回、藏民族在漫长的历史互动中形成了经济上的互补、文化上的共融,加上党和政府的重视,民族政策的具体实施,回藏民族习惯法中合理、健康因素的作用,为形成回藏和谐民族关系提供了保障.     

云南回族马帮的组织与分布

马帮是一个集货物运输与商业贸易为一体的商旅组织 ,肇始于古代云南边疆地区 ,流行于云南三迤各族群及毗邻的东南亚泰、缅、老、越各山地民族社会 ,以及中国西南的川、黔、桂、藏和印度、尼泊尔等的广阔区域里。云南有回、汉、白、彝、藏等 5个族群从事马帮营运活动 ,但以回族马帮规模最大、历史最久。本文依据田野调查资料 ,对云南回族马帮的组织结构、地区分布、通商道路、营运货物等 ,作了系统论述     

藏族农民享有政治权利的微观实证研究——以四川省甘孜藏族自治州丹巴县巴底乡沈洛村为例

以四川省甘孜藏族自治州丹巴县巴底乡沈洛村藏族农民作为调查考察对象,研究藏族农民享有的政治权利。事实表明,平等和充分地行使选举权和被选举权,是沈洛村藏族农民的政治权利得以实现的根本保障。在人民代表大会制度下行使民主权利,是藏族农民享有政治权利的主要内容。在民族区域自治制度下享有自治权利,是藏族农民享有政治权利的重要表现。在各种组织中行使民主权利,是沈洛村藏族农民享有政治权利的有效途径。沈洛村藏族农民实现政治权利的过程,既充分体现了藏族农民的权利意识在改革开放中得到了提升,也充分展示了中国宪法权利在改革开放过程中不断完善的巨大成就。随着中国民主进程的不断推进,随着政治知情权以及农村党组织建设的不断完善,藏族农民享有的政治权利将会进一步发展与进步。     

论安多地区民族关系模式及其形成的历史基础

安多是一个多民族文化交汇地区,这里有汉、藏、回、土、撒拉、保安、东乡、蒙古等民族生息繁衍,在长期的交往互动过程中,结合成了丰富多彩的民族关系,本文立足田野调查和历史文献资料,归纳了对等互动型、经济互补型、包裹嵌合型三种主要的民族关系发展模式,并探讨了安多民族关系模式形成的历史基础。     

“家西番”之称谓探源

在青海,人们把生活在青海省湟中、湟源、大通等地从事农业生产,使用汉语、生活习俗受汉族影响较大的藏族群众称呼为"家西番"。认为"家西番"是"住家耕田"的藏族,"家"是"有固定住房的意思",区别于游牧的藏族,这是人们望文生义的结果,笔者认为"家西番"是一个藏汉合璧的称谓,"家"即藏语汉族(■)的音译,"西番"又是汉族对藏族的叫法,"家西番"义为"像汉族的藏族",类似的叫法在藏族内部也有,安多藏区牧民就把农业区的藏族叫作"家绒娃"(■)、"家绒"(■),义为"像汉族的农民",嘉绒藏族的族称也许就是这么来的。     

多康藏区藏族源流考释

多康藏区藏族是藏族最为主要的组成部分,其形成发展过程一直与卫藏地区藏族有着极为密切的关系。从考古发现和早期文献记载来看,远古时期的多康藏人与汉文史籍所载之“羌”人关系密切,藏文史书中的“董氏人”与氐羌系统人群应属同一部落群体。董氏人的部落群体从雅隆河谷一带向北、向东、向南移动和迁徙,又通过一系列分化和整合,最终形成这一特定区域的特殊族群,在不同文种以不同名称载入史册。     

蒙藏关系下的文化变迁和民族认同——以青海省河南蒙古族为例

青海省河南蒙古族与藏族交错而居,两个民族长期相互接触,由于族体规模上的差异和自然条件的原因,在文化传播中主要表现为蒙古族对藏族文化的采借和适应,以致从外部特征似难将当地蒙古族从藏族中分辨出来。但细加考察,蒙古族的客观认同和主观心理归属感仍然清晰可见。在融洽的民族关系中,蒙藏之间仍然保持着融而未合、和而未同的特点。     

关于西藏地区实行及建设区域自治的历史考察

依据相关史料,新中国在西藏地区实行区域自治有一个历史的过程。为实现西藏区域自治,中央始终坚持＂和平统一＂的基本方针。为此,党中央为促进达赖集团、班禅集团实现团结,变通规定,建立自治区筹委会,标志西藏地区实现了和平统一。1956年下半年,中央决定西藏六年内暂不改革;1957年3月初,中央再次决定西藏相关工作＂大下马＂,由自治区筹委会,实际上由旧西藏地方政府（噶厦）管理,实行＂区域自治＂。不过,该＂区域自治＂设置了＂区域管理＂、＂不能反对中央＂以及藏钞等不能进入其他藏区等规定。1959年3月,旧西藏地方政府违背这些规定,宣布＂独立＂,发动叛乱,反对中央。这迫使中央政府解散西藏旧地方政府、平息叛乱、改组筹委会,实行新的民族区域自治。     

回族婚姻择偶中的“妇女外嫁禁忌”

回族妇女的外嫁禁忌，有生活习惯、民族风俗、宗教戒律方面的原因，但主要的还是民族心理因素作用的结果。回回先民入居并立足中国的基本条件，是实行“民族外婚姻”，而后来“民族内婚姻”则成为保证回族群体得以稳固的重要保障。妇女外嫁禁忌是回族历史的发展“天平”能够保持相对平衡的重要砝码之一。     

回族与其他一些西北穆斯林民族文字形成史初探——从回回字到“小经”文字

现代中国穆斯林少数民族以阿拉伯 -波斯字母拼写自己语言的现象 ,有其形成的过程。以唐元以后入华西域人后裔为主体形成的回回民族中 ,有相当部分其祖先的母语为波斯语。波斯文为蒙元帝国的官方文字之一 ,时称回回字。元、明、清三朝均设有官办教授波斯语的专门机构 ;而随着同汉族的多方接触 ,汉语逐渐成为以回族为主的甘宁青一带穆斯林少数民族的交际语 ;同时在伊斯兰文化背景的影响下 ,回族学者创造了用阿拉伯 -波斯字母来拼写自己的新母语———汉语的方法 ,主要用作解经 ,兼用于日常 ,形成了现在称为“小经”的文字。而其他一些操突厥语的西北民族 ,如维吾尔、哈萨克等族 ,在伊斯兰化的过程中仍然保存了自己的母语 ;受其影响的穆斯林民族如东乡族 ,则在保存自己母语的同时 ,在回族“小经”的影响下 ,创造出东乡“小经”。