Address to the Fifth Congress of Writers of the USSR

For reasons of age, our generation did not participate in the Great Patriotic War, but the bitterness of the initial retreats, the suffering under the weight of the occupation, the starvation of siege, the oily bread of the places to which we were evacuated, made of half wormwood and half goose-foot, the rustle of death notices hidden in our mothers' hands, the deathly fear of losing the ration cards kept hidden in a canvas bag hung around one's neck — all this was the grim primary school of our generation.     

The Economic Crisis in Russia

The Russian economy has been going through an extremely grave crisis in the last few years on a scale that is unequaled in modern peacetime world economic history and that in terms of the decline of production and living standard is comparable to the rigors of wartime and the occupation of part of the country's territory, as was the case in the Soviet Union during the Patriotic War. Contrary to the hopes of many ordinary citizens and scientists, the dimensions of the crisis are growing with the expansion of the market and private property. The more capitalism there is, the worse matters become in the economy. There is no end to the crisis in sight. That the worst is yet to come is evidenced in particular by the grain-procurement crisis, which has brought the country to the brink of starvation and financial catastrophe.     

Traditional Features of Russian Political Culture in Their Current Perspective

For about sixty years all Soviet economists and historians have celebrated the demise of NEP as socialism's greatest victory. You could count advocates of the opposite point of view on your fingers. The situation has changed in the last two or three years. The press today is for the most part filled with hymns of praise for NEP as the most successful period in the development of Soviet society. There is admiration for the miraculous recovery of Russia's economy after the civil war, for the economy's high effectiveness during that period, and for the establishment of a hard currency. We look to NEP for lessons that will help us to resolve our current economic problems. The termination of NEP in the late 1920s is bewailed as the turning point in Soviet history that marked the victory of the Administrative System with all its known tragic consequences for the life of Soviet society. Those responsible for the death of NEP are named: Stalin and those around him, members of the party machine [apparatchiki] infected with the ideology of War Communism, and individual social strata (poor peasants, part of the working class, and youth).     

论冷战期间美国的大战略体系

大战略是一战后西方军事理论界提出的新概念,二战后广为流行,并成为国家决策的重要内容。冷战期间,美国政府为了对抗、削弱并击溃苏联东欧集团,铲除所谓共产主义威胁,赢得冷战的胜利,制订并实施了以遏制战略为核心的大战略,形成了一个金字塔般的战略体系。在这个战略体系中,位于顶端的是遏制战略;其下是政治战略、经济战略、军事战略、文化战略等各领域的分类战略;这些分类战略的子战略或曰具体战略,诸如威慑战略、贸易管制战略、和平演变战略、大规模报复战略、灵活反应战略、现实威慑战略等,则为第三层次的战略。遏制战略以各分类战略及其子战略为依托,统领着众多分类战略和子战略;各分类战略和子战略则依据遏制大战略制订并以遏制大战略的目标为最终目标。该大战略体系在促使苏东裂变、结束冷战中发挥了重要作用。     

评《苏德互不侵犯条约》与第二次世界大战的关系

关于二战爆发前夕前苏联与纳粹德国签订的《苏德互不侵犯条约》，长期以来史学界褒贬不一。争论焦点在于该条约与二战的爆发是否有直接关系上。事实证明，二战的爆发与德国的野心及英法的绥靖政策间有着直接的关系，而苏德条约客观上虽促使二战提前爆发，但它同时也具有一定的积极作用。     

俄日岛屿争端及其对俄地区战略的影响

俄日岛屿争端（俄称南千岛群岛,日称北方四岛）长期以来一直阻碍着俄日关系的发展。该问题形成于＂二战＂末期,但其源头可追溯至历史上沙俄和日本之间的领土纠葛。苏联解体后,俄日领土争端并未得到解决。（苏）俄日之间的领土争端主要有三个焦点：是否存在争议领土、争议领土的范围,以及归还领土的条件。2010年底至2011年初的纠纷是两国领土争端的最新表现。今后,岛屿争端问题对俄罗斯东北亚地区战略的双重影响也将进一步凸显。     

A Word About the Change of Title

With the final disintegration of the Soviet Union in December 1991, the title Soviet Review suddenly belonged to history. After considering all the unsatisfactory alternatives, we have decided to rename the journal Russian Social Science Review, which at least has the merit of conveying more clearly the journal's editorial profile. Although most of the articles appearing in the journal will, as in the past, be drawn from Russian-language sources, translations from other languages will certainly not be excluded, and we will make a positive effort to present work from, and about, all areas of the former Soviet Union.     

中共早期地方领袖、组织形态与乡村社会：以曾天宇及其领导的江西万安暴动为中

中共在建党初期就移植了俄共（布）的民主集中制作为自身的组织制度。这一制度在中国革命的实践中经历了艰难的调适过程。１９２７ 年大革命失败后,中共准备在乡村组织暴动时,组织原则和组织能力就面临着严峻的挑战。组织江西万安暴动的领袖曾天宇,代表了中共早期地方领袖的一种类型,其领导的万安暴动所暴露出的党内组织矛盾也具有一定的典型性。本文将中共党史、社会史以及民国政治史结合在一起,综合运用文件档案、组织史资料、忆述材料、地方史志、报刊等诸多史料,通过对曾天宇的生活史与精神气质的勾勒以及对万安暴动背景与过程的考察,揭示出中共早期组织形态中存在的三重张力：职位关系与个人因素之间的张力;组织纪律的有效性与地方领袖的自主性之间的张力;革命组织与传统资源及地方利益之间的张力。这些张力为同时期的一系列中共党内组织事件提供了解读的逻辑。     

Expressionism in Music—Real and Imagined

At the Congress of Soviet Musicians in April, 1960, there was considerable heated debate on modernist—and more specifically expressionist—tendencies in Soviet music. The debate was sparked by critical discussion of the recently published Volumes II and III of A History of Russian Soviet Music. During the debate Iosif Ryzhkin, musician, critic and musicologist, took sharp issue with the author of this article over the latter's defense of Prokofiev, whose work at one time was under indictment as "Western-influenced" and "decadent." Specifically the clash centered around the last opera written by the dean of Soviet composers, the monumental War and Peace. Ryzhkin and Danilevich disagreed sharply on the way this work was evaluated in Volume III of the History.     

“Farewell to the Cold War”： the historical implications of China＇s normalizing its relations with the Soviet Union

从中国与冷战关系的角度看,中苏关系正常化的进程反映了中国对外政策逐步摆脱冷战时期形成的战略思维框架,以及中国决策层在改革开放中逐步形成和丰富起来的外交新理念。建国初期,中国领导人选择的发展战略是追随苏联的模式,对外政策则选择了“一边倒”与苏联结盟。经历了近三十年的动荡与波折,中国领导人终于提出了“中国特色的社会主义道路”,并选择了“独立自主的不结盟的和平外交”,这标志着自1950年代末以来,中国的国家发展战略与外交政策终于又一次实现了根本性的协调,其结果就是“告别冷战”。     

革命目标的裂变与群众路线的转向:1940年代中共妇女政策的温和化

中国共产党是倡导性别平等的马克思主义革命党，其一度激进的妇女政策在1940年代却发生了温和化转向。抗日战争开始后，革命根据地内阶级矛盾的缓和与劳动力的相对充裕使激进的妇女政策成本上升、收益下降。抗战中期，国民党的“限共”政策给中共战争资源汲取带来了压力，引发了党群关系的变化。为缓和党群关系，中国共产党在非阶级斗争形势下实施了群众路线，通过组织群众劳动生产以扩大总产出。在组织群众劳动生产的过程中，性别差异和性别分工被强调，激进妇女政策的路径依赖被打破而随之温和化。中国共产党妇女政策的温和化重新平衡了革命的中心性目标与原则性目标，重新平衡了男性群众的利益偏好与女性群众的生理特性。     

Science Fiction and the Schoolchild

During the past decade, Soviet science fiction has experienced a boom not inferior to its "golden age" of the 1920s. Many new names have appeared. The subject matter has become more serious. The writers have improved in the literary sense. There has been a noticeable broadening in the range of readers of science fiction. Moreover, it has become increasingly possible for them to familiarize themselves with the best works of foreign writers. Finally, rather probing critical efforts have appeared — science fiction is now gaining students, and even theorists, of its own. All this is beyond question. It is hardly necessary now to prove to anyone (despite the fact that a stormy discussion raged around this matter in our national press a few years ago) that science fiction is either reading for amusement or specifically "children's" literature. However, there are still no accepted precise quantitative criteria for the readers' new attitude toward science fiction, and this has allowed some critics to defend clearly outdated ideas, constantly appealing to some "mass" or "simple" reader, although it is impossible to verify such assertions. It was for just this reason that members of the Science Fiction Fan Club at Moscow University — the students in the natural science departments who had in mind the basic principle of the exact sciences that asserts that all a priori statements must be checked by experiment — decided on an attempt to apply this principle to their favorite form of literature. The best proof of the timeliness of this test was the fact that the idea had literally permeated the atmosphere, for just as the Moscow University club began, science fiction fans in Baku, headed by G. Al'tov, decided to conduct a mass survey of science fiction readers. This made it possible to develop a coordinated questionnaire and to enlarge considerably the number of people queried. Approximately 700 questionnaires were received, and the resulting data are surely the most complete reflection of the present opinions of Soviet readers about science fiction. It would, of course, be very interesting to give a complete report on the questionnaire, but the nature of this magazine forces us to confine ourselves to the subject of science fiction and the schoolchild, and to analyze primarily the attitude of school-age readers to science fiction.     

战争悲剧的另一种书写：《朗读者》解读

《朗读者》以德国作家特有的反思意识,通过叙述一个不同寻常的爱情故事以及其中人物命运的曲折变化,揭示了二战后人们对这场战争及其影响的种种思考和困惑,不失为对人类战争的另一种书写。从生死、爱情、文明、罪与罚等视角,阐释该小说的悲剧主题,挖掘其悲剧内涵,评估其文学价值,有助于通过深层次地探讨历史来剖析人性、启迪未来。     

The Study of Chinese History in the USSR

The path taken by Soviet scholarship for more than fifty years in the study of Chinese history can be properly evaluated only if one has a notion of the initial level upon which the first Soviet researchers had to build.     

If a Deputy is Guilty. …

A people's deputy! Great trust and human respect are joined in this concept, so familiar to the Soviet people. A deputy's person is inviolable. This means that criminal proceedings cannot be instituted against him, nor can he be arrested or subjected to administrative punishment imposed by the courts without the consent of the relevant soviet or, while it is not in session, without the consent of its presidium or executive committee.     

Imagining socialism in the Soviet century

Much of the current conversation about social justice, economic responsibility and individual self-realization is informed by an explicit or implicit comparison between capitalist and socialist modernities. The Soviet Union’s variety of socialism understandably serves as a critical master referent in this conversation. In this regard, a dominant historical narrative that ties the history of Soviet socialism to the Bolshevik origins imposes serious limitation to available depictions of socialism and histories of the twentieth century. This article turns the Bolshevik fundamentals assigned to the Soviet project into a problem of historical analysis and argues that the Soviet experience has more than one normative vision of socialism to offer. The goal is to foreground the divergence of normative conceptions of the socialist society and individual by historicizing the two principal and presently closely identified ideological-educational undertakings: those of the New Man and the ‘New Soviet Person’. By tracing the histories of the two projects, the article shows how the collectivist ethos of the Bolshevism of the 1910–1920s that rejected the ontological differentiation between the individual and his or her social milieu failed to retain its ideological, institutional, and cultural currency even during the 1930s, not to mention throughout the Soviet period.     

美国族群问题及其破解对策

美国是一个多族群的国家,族群之间的矛盾和斗争充斥着整个美国历史发展过程。"二战"之后,特别是20世纪80年代以来,由于白人至上主义和极右思潮的抬头,美国族群关系更趋于紧张。然而,在前苏联、南斯拉夫这些多族群国家解体的后冷战时代,美国却能够保持相对稳定的族群关系。这主要得益于其不断完善的法律制度、多元与一体的相对平衡,以及不断改进的社会保障制度等因素。由于美国族群政策是建立在资本主义私有制基础之上的,具有不可避免的局限性,因而对美国的族群政策应重于研究、分析,慎于借鉴。     

论抗日民族解放战争中的毛泽东

抗日战争是中国近代以来第一次取得完全胜利的反侵略战争,在抗日民族解放战争中,毛泽东正确地分析了全面抗战爆发后的形势和党面临的任务,适时领导我党我军实行军事战略的转变;科学地预见抗战历史进程;系统地阐明了持久战的理论和抗日游击战争的战略方针;在总结统一战线工作的经验教训的基础上,制定了抗日民族统一战线的策略总方针,完整地提出了同国民党顽固派斗争的政策和策略;全面总结了中国革命的经验教训,系统地论述了新民主主义革命理论;创造性地发动整风运动,使全党在马克思主义基础上达到了空前的团结和统一;领导召开党的第七次全国代表大会,制定出打败日本侵略者解放全国人民的政治路线和纲领,为抗日战争的胜利和夺取新民主主义在全国的胜利奠定了基础。     

中华经济协作与西太平洋经济圈的构建

在东方历史上,西太平洋地区是人类文明的重要区域,为人类社会发展作出了巨大贡献。经过二战后几十年的高速增长,西太平洋地区成为当前世界最有发展潜力与发展前途的地区,构成新经济圈的诸种条件已经成熟。在西太平洋经济―文化圈形成的过程中,中华文明与中华协作将发挥巨大作用。当前,国际形势发展不断对学术研究提出新问题,在更深的层次上对西太平洋经济圈形成的动因、条件与途径等进行研究,做出符合时代发展方向的筹划与预测,已是一项不得不做的工作。     

美国的印度洋战略

冷战期间美国印度洋战略的主要目的是应对苏联,冷战后美国成为印度洋的主导力量,开始在印度洋地区进行军事前沿部署。近年来,随着印度洋战略地位的提高,美国提出了“印度-太平洋”概念,并强化其在印度洋的战略利益：保持主导地位、保护海上交通线安全、控制战略要冲等。美国在意识形态和经济因素的驱使下,通过军事部署和制度安排在印度洋取得霸权地位,但与英国相比,美国的印度洋霸权是“弱势”霸权。