抗日战争时期中国共产党对内蒙古的民族政策

中国共产党在抗日战争时期根据内蒙古地理位置事关抗日战争全局、争取蒙古族在抗日战争中的重要性等,对内蒙古实行了民族平等和民族团结政策为主线、民族区域自治政策为关键、建立蒙古族的抗日武装为重点的一系列民族政策,为动员内蒙古各族人民共同抗日做出了重要贡献。内蒙古自治区作为我国第一个成立的少数民族自治区域,它的成立实践了马克思主义民族理论中国化,使党的民族纲领政策在理论上和实践上都趋于成熟,为建国后中国共产党制定民族政策奠定了理论基础,提供了实践经验。     

清朝宁夏儒学教育与共同体构建

中国古代儒学教育长盛不衰,成为中央政权的官方学术,为历代王朝"大一统"国家形成和稳固夯实了思想根基,为君臣百姓树立"家国"意识提供了遵循,为今时铸牢中华民族共同体意识提供了借鉴之义。清王朝为延伸帝国权力,在宁夏地区大力推行儒学教育,建立起了由府、州、县官方儒学和书院、蒙学组成的民间儒学教育机制,为统治阶级培养了大批儒生,增强了王朝统治的向心力。几千年儒学教育的渗透对边疆地区中华民族共同体构建发挥了重要作用,强化了中华民族共同体意识的国民心性,促进了民族地区乃至全国社会秩序的良性运行,丰富了中华民族多元一体理论。     

费孝通人类学研究方法探讨——精读《江村经济》

以《江村经济》为基础,从三个方面探讨费先生在田野调查研究的方法论方面所做的贡献。第一,《江村经济》为中国人类学研究的本土化提供了范本。第二,《江村经济》为中国农村社区研究提供了方法论。在帝国主义侵略战争和国共内战的漩涡中,"江村"成为当时中国农村社会的一个缩影;费先生通过对"江村"的研究,为当时的知识界提供了参与式研究方法。第三,与以往人类学界主要以无文字的社会为调查对象来撰写民族志不同,费先生通过对中国农村为背景的"江村"的田野调查,开创了人类学对有文字记录的社区研究的先河。认为费孝通先生一生当中出版了许多有影响力的著作,其中《江村经济》是费先生早期的代表作品,他以"江村"为田野调查点,为人类学界提供了全新的研究方法。     

张居正改革时期民族政策得失论

万历初年,张居正改革集团推行了以封贡互市为核心,以军事防御为主轴,以分化瓦解为手段的一系列边疆民族政策。由于这些民族政策以蒙古族为重点,忽视了女真族的兴起,且存在民族歧视等不足,因此,它虽然在短期内改善了民族关系,巩固了边疆统治,但长远来看,已难以适应女真等少数民族的发展趋势,相反还加剧了民族矛盾,成为导致努尔哈赤起兵和明朝覆灭的重要原因之一。     

邓小平民族理论对构建和谐社会的影响

民族关系是一个多民族国家中最基本的社会关系之一,因此,民族关系是否和谐,事关我国和谐社会构建的大局,事关国家的前途和命运。邓小平的民族理论为我们党和国家顺利开展民族工作指明了方向,为实现民族和谐做出了巨大的贡献,为构建社会主义和谐社会的提出奠定了深厚的思想基础。     

米非司酮与氨甲喋呤联合应用于输卵管妊娠的疗效观察

米非司酮与氨甲喋呤联合应用于输卵管妊娠的保守治疗,获得较大的成功,降低了手术率,为患者节省了费用,为有生育要求的女性带来了更多的机会,具有推广意义。     

开县临江桐油纸扇制作工艺调查

开县临江镇桐油纸扇为重庆市非物质文化遗产,其制扇工艺独特且历史悠久。本研究以临江镇制扇业为调查对象,运用田野考查方法,针对桐油纸扇的工艺进行了过程全记录,对结果进行了系统整理,为开县桐油纸扇的研究与可持续性开发提供了翔实的文献数据支持。     

向警予(土家族)

1939年,在延安纪念三八妇女节大会上,毛泽东充满激情地说:要学习大革命时代牺牲了的模范妇女领袖、女共产党员向警予。她为妇女解放、为劳动大众解放、为共产主义事业奋斗了一生。同年7月,周恩来在庆祝延安女子大学成立大会上指出:向警予是我党第一个女中央委员,第一任妇女部长,英勇牺牲了,我们不要忘记她。     

盛事修史 《内蒙古十通》见证草原文化

以人为鉴,可以知得失;以铜为鉴,可以正衣冠;以史为鉴,可以知兴衰。适逢内蒙古自治区成立60周年,邢野主编的《内蒙古十通》,不但解读了内蒙古的历史,同时也解读了草原文化,为后人留下了一笔丰厚的文化遗产。     

长征时期党在贵州打牢中华民族共同体思想基础的实践

长征是宣传队,长征是播种机。红军长征过程中,中国共产党高度重视团结少数民族,在各地宣传的民族平等口号和实施的民族政策,为新中国民族工作播撒了种子。贵州是中国共产党和红军命运的转折点。本文以贵州一省为例,梳理中国共产党通过开展平等团结、民族统战、尊重文化、救贫济困等民族工作,将贵州各民族人民紧紧团结在中国共产党周围,探索和实践了中华民族命运共同体、政治共同体、文化共同体和经济共同体的建构,指出中国共产党在贵州打牢了中华民族共同体思想基础,指明了中华民族共同体发展方向,凝聚了民心,为转战和抗日战争的胜利发挥了重要作用,为中华民族伟大复兴奠定了基石。     

Ambivalent Islam: the identity construction of Muslims under Portuguese colonial rule

This article wishes to contribute to the study of the historical processes that have been spotting Muslim populations as favourite targets for political analysis and governance. Focusing on the Portuguese archives, civil as well as military, the article tries to uncover the most conspicuous identity representations (mainly negative or ambivalent) that members of Portuguese colonial apparatus built around Muslim communities living in African colonies, particularly in Guinea-Bissau and Mozambique. The paper shows how these culturally and politically constructed images were related to the more general strategies by which Portuguese imagined their own national identity, both as ‘European’ and as ‘coloniser’ or ‘imperial people’.

The basic assumption of this article is that policies enforced in a context of inter-ethnic and religious competition are better understood when linked to the identity strategies inherent to them. These are conceived as strategic constructions aimed at the preservation, protection and imaginary expansion of the subject, who looks for groups to be included in and out-groups to reject, exclude, aggress or eliminate. The author argues that most of the inter-ethnic relationships and conflicts, as well as the very experience of ethnicity, are born from this identity matrix.     

Nuclear fetishism,the fear of the ‘Islamic’ bomb and national identity in Iran

The paper's focus is the concurrence in the Islamic Republic of Iran between the state's enrichment of uranium, internationally feared as a potential Islamic atomic bomb, and the identification of the radio-active material by many Iranians as a national cultural object. In contrast to the Islamic virtues imposed by the state that had created an autarkic image of Iranians in the global context, nuclear technology offered them the opportunity to become cosmopolitan consumers of nuclear energy, a global product that also represented the ‘excellence’ of Iranian scientists’ and engineers’ competence. Instrumental in this re-invention of national identity outside the political space was a reified (fetishised) conception of the nuclear object as a utility – nuclear energy. The enhanced utilitarian use of nuclear material mystified (metamorphosed) both the oppressive relation of Iranian people with their Muslim rulers and their incongruous relation with the rest of the world. The mystifying impact of nuclear production on their national and international relations served Iranians to draw on their role as internationally recognised bourgeois agents (burghers) by subsuming (neutralising) their brutalised relation with the Muslim rulers within the instrumental relation of producers/consumers of the nuclear product. Thus, in their exclusive demand for the right to emulate the non-Iranian producers/consumers of nuclear energy as a global product, Iranians acted in their capacity as burghers. A burgher is defined here, following Hegel, as the agent of civil society whose primary concern is to pursue his/her own interest by using the needs of others as the means to satisfy his/her own. The rationality that governs the action by burghers is ‘the suitability of means to their ends’. By adopting the rationality of a burgher, Iranians abandoned their quest for citizenship. The rights of citizen, in contrast with the cosmopolitan right of burgher to emulate producers/consumers, were geared to the exercise of individual autonomy within the political space, as a domain of contested representations. The paper examines the inadequate mediation of modern institutions that has historically postponed the nationalisation of Iranian society and has delayed the emergence of the Iranian nation as a political community. Looked at from this standpoint, nuclear production offered to Iranians the opportunity to avoid a hazardous route of taking part in a political construction of Iranian identity by acting as citizens and instead draw on their fragmented bourgeois identity to define the nuclear product as ‘national’. This identification matched their Muslim rulers’ interest to represent the enriched uranium internationally as a national, as opposed to Islamic, achievement without having to face the Iranian nation as a political community. The consequence was the Iranians’ failure to deal with nuclear technology and the question of public safety both as a national and international issue which could only be addressed if Iranians had acted in their capacity as citizens.     

民族地区政府扶持法律制度完善研究

民族地区政府扶持法律制度是我国民族法制的重要组成部分,是少数民族地区发展的重要推动力量.但是它在指导思想和具体制度设计上还存在较多不完善之处.在指导思想上,这项法律制度以不可持续发展观为指导;在具体制度设计上,存在非具体性、非规范性、非稳定性和非协调性等缺陷.因此,在我国实施西部大开发战略,促进民族地区大发展的今天,应尽快转变民族地区政府扶持法律制度的指导思想,并实现民族地区政府扶持法律制度的具体化、规范化、稳定化以及协调化.     

WHO's MIND,whose future? Mental health projects as colonial logics

This paper examines the Mental Health Improvements for Nations Development of the World Health Organization (WHO), or what it refers to as its MIND project, as it produces versions of human and human suffering. Arising at approximately the same time as decolonization began to occur, the WHO can be read as reflective of colonial history as well as a colonizing force in postcolonial times. Through an analysis of the WHO's publicly available material, we shall show how the MIND project is not only a product of, but also helps to produce the power of coloniality. In the WHO MIND project, professional disability knowledge is used to identify an emergent mental health crisis in need of Western medical intervention. Guided by Fanon's call to notice how assistance makes a subject ‘thoroughly fit into a social environment of the colonial type,’ we examine the role of disability knowledge in the production of people ‘fit’ to survive in environments that reproduce coloniality. We show how the WHO MIND project can be read so as to reveal the restrictive and exclusive versions of the human that have arisen from the colonial past as our way to attempt to disrupt the developmental trajectory of the coloniality of the present.     

Impostors of themselves: performing Jewishness and revitalizing Jewish life among Russian-Jewish immigrants in contemporary Germany

In the early 1990s, Germany officially opened its gates to the immigration of Russian Jews as part of the politics of repentance and restitution for the Holocaust. The immigration of Russian Jews seemed to offer an opportunity to strengthen and revitalize Jewish life in the country, even to restore it to its pre-war scale and condition. For the Russian-Jewish immigrants, that task has proven a difficult challenge. Tracking the stumbling blocks and difficulties of the project of revitalization and recreation of Jewish life, this article moves through different arenas of the immigrants' performance of Jewishness – artistic, ritual, and mundane, individual as well as communal. It examines the situation in which role-playing or ‘passing’ as Jews fails to be perceived as credible and is interpreted as ‘imposture.’     

Mad Max: The Car and Australian Governance

This article argues that the car is an intimate aspect of the governance of Australia. The term 'governance' is defined as the techniques used to know, order and manage individuals. The film Mad Max II: The Road Warrior is used as a prism to separate out the roles that the car performs in governance. Three roles are identified: the car as identity, the car as myth and the car as power. Applying this framework to Australia reveals the car's complex involvement in Australian governance, from the knowing and ordering of others, to collective myths of possession and future prosperity, to the knowing of place from space, to the removal of indigenous children. The significance of the car means Australia can be characterised as the petrochemical, chrome-plated cyborg republic of Oz.     

Religion as nationalism: the religious nationalism of American Christian Zionists

The term ‘religious nationalism’ is often theorized, at worst as antithetically conjunctive where religion is defined as the allegiance to God and nationalism is the allegiance to the nation, and at best as instrumental. I argue here that this fusion of religion and nationalism takes place most convincingly if we understand religion as adherent performance rather than solely as a theological container of tenants. I illustrate this through American Christian Zionist performances and discourses regarding their self-imagined identity as being in a national diaspora for Israel. I argue this religious nationalism is possible because Christian Zionist performances of a national allegiance to Israeli Jews are grounded in an apocalyptic narrative of the future.     

‘Having to say everyday … I’m not black enough … I’m not white enough’. Discourses of Aboriginality in the Australian education context

This paper interrogates discourses of Aboriginality about, and by, early career Aboriginal teachers as they negotiate their emergent professional identity in specific Australian school contexts. These discourses position the respondents via their ethnic and cultural background and intersect with self-positioning. This relates to the desire to be positioned as teacher rather than (only) as an ‘Aboriginal’ teacher. Consequently, the over-determination of Aboriginality includes such suppositions as the ‘think-look-do’ Aboriginality with a ‘natural’ connection to community, the ‘good’ Aboriginal teacher who fixes Aboriginal ‘problems’, the Aboriginal teacher as ‘Other’, and [the notion that] ‘Aboriginal work’ as easy, not real work and peripheral to core business. Through qualitative methodology, eleven Aboriginal teachers from the University of Sydney were interviewed. They were able to construct stories of early career teaching and the data was analysed to explore how the participants interpreted, accepted and/or resisted various discourses in their efforts to be agentic and resilient and to make a difference for the Aboriginal students they teach.     

An ‘undeliberate determinacy’? The changing migration strategies of Polish migrants in the UK in times of Brexit

This paper reformulates classical questions regarding the plans and strategies of Polish migrants in the UK – such as decisions to leave or remain in the host country, or be ‘deliberately indeterminate’ about future plans – from a sociologically situated ‘rights-based’ perspective. This approach considers migrants’ attitudes towards specific ‘civic integration’ measures in a medium-term time frame, as well as in the new context created by the UK’s vote to leave the EU. Based on the quantitative analysis of original survey data, we investigate the factors behind Polish migrants’ migration strategies, and we argue that basic socio-economic and demographic factors are inadequate, on their own terms, to explain future migration and civic integration plans. Instead, we find that aspects such as interest in and awareness of one’s rights, as well as anxieties about the ability to maintain one’s rights in the future are stronger determinants.     

God brought you home – deportation as moral governance in the lives of Nigerian sex worker migrants

Set in Nigeria among deported sex worker migrants and the institutions that seek to intervene in their migration, this article explores how deportation serves the dual function as a tool for migration governance as well as a tool for moral governance. Deportation has often been analysed from a Global North perspective and as a technology of migration governance imposed upon migrants and their nation states in the Global South. Yet, among Nigerian institutions working with deportees, such as anti-trafficking institutions, as well as among the deportees, the analysis shows how invoking the powerful languages of God, morality and nation-building, deportation emerges as a technology of moral governance – a site for reconfiguring, circumscribing and actively practicing what it means to be a legitimate Nigerian citizen.