中国已婚女性意愿生育数的影响因素分析

本文利用2004年中国健康与营养调查（CHNS）数据，分析了个人因素、家庭因素以及社会因素对中国已婚女性意愿生育数的影响。结果显示，个人因素如年龄、受教育程度、工作单位类型及月均收入水平对其意愿生育数的影响具有显著的统计学意义；社会因素如城乡、所在省份亦对意愿生育数有影响；但家庭因素，被调查者有无兄弟姐妹对其意愿生育数影响的统计学意义不显著。     

生育转变的民族差异及其影响因素研究——来自汉族和蒙古族的比较

本文采用在2013~2014年寒假期间对内蒙古赤峰市、通辽市、锡林郭勒盟、包头市、阿拉善盟、鄂尔多斯市、兴安盟等地区的调研数据,通过一般回归方法和有序Logit Model进行实证研究。研究发现:年龄、总收入、家庭人均收入、蒙语书写能力、是否独生子女、父母文化程度、自己文化程度、住房面积、照顾老人的数量等因素对蒙古族居民的初育年龄意愿、生育理想数和生育孩子性别意愿起到影响作用,影响作用显著;年龄和家庭人均收入等因素显著影响汉族居民的初育年龄意愿、生育理想数和生育孩子性别意愿。总体来看,教育程度及经济因素越来越明显地影响蒙古族居民的生育意愿,家庭养老和本民族文化特征也在一定程度上影响到蒙古族居民的生育意愿。     

三孩政策下城乡居民生育意愿北大核心CSSCI

针对当前高度复杂和不确定的生育环境,我国采取了渐进式的生育政策调整策略,从取消生育间隔限制到实行单独二孩、全面二孩政策,再到实施三孩政策,满足了不同人群多样化的生育需求。三孩政策下人们的二孩和三孩生育意愿及影响因素的差异是以往调查和研究未能涉及的。因此本文基于湖北省125个区县12014个家庭生育意愿调查数据对城乡居民二孩、三孩生育意愿及影响因素进行研究,发现三孩政策覆盖下的家庭中,二孩家庭占比已超过四成。一孩、二孩家庭的平均理想子女数分别为1.57和2.07。随着育龄妇女年龄的增长,一孩家庭二孩生育意愿和二孩家庭三孩生育意愿均在快速下降。25岁以下育龄妇女家庭的二孩生育意愿比例农村和城市分别为25.36%和18.75%。居民二孩生育意愿和三孩生育意愿的影响因素也存在明显差异。随着育龄妇女受教育程度的提升,城乡居民二孩生育意愿趋于收敛,三孩生育意愿差距在扩大。家庭社会经济地位和地区经济发展水平对生育意愿的影响存在一种悖论关系。对于二孩生育意愿,在一个区域内,社会经济地位越高的群体报告的二孩生育意愿越高,但进行跨区域比较发现经济发展水平越高的地区,居住在其中的家庭二孩生育意愿越低。     

生育一孩弱化二孩生育意愿吗？——基于北京市“单独”家庭的考察

本文使用北京市西城区2013年生育意愿调查数据,基于不同的生育意愿测度指标,采用描述分析和回归分析方法检验城市＂单独＂家庭中生育一孩对二孩生育意愿的作用,并借助倾向值分析方法控制生育状况的自选择问题,从而使得研究结论更具稳健性和可靠性。结果表明,城市＂单独＂家庭的二孩生育意愿并不低迷,生育一孩能够强化育龄妇女的二孩生育意愿,而且生育状况的作用在生育意愿的众多影响因素中较为突出。上述结果需要在生育意愿的评估和生育政策的制定中有所关注。     

家庭因素对育龄群体生育的影响研究

中国总和生育率长期低于更替水平,生育率持续下降是多种因素共同作用的结果,家庭各项因素在其中发挥着尤为重要的作用。文章基于2021年中国社会状况综合调查数据（CSS）,利用泊松回归分析家庭因素对育龄群体生育行为的影响。研究发现：（1）家庭因素对育龄群体的生育行为产生了重要影响,其中家庭规模和家庭人均收入对育龄群体的生育行为产生显著负向影响,家庭住房面积和兄弟姊妹数量对育龄群体的生育行为产生显著正向影响;（2）家庭住房面积和兄弟姊妹数显著提升了育龄群体的生育意愿,并进一步显著促进该群体的生育行为,即生育意愿作为中介变量促进家庭住房面积和兄弟姊妹数对生育行为的影响;（3）通过分性别、户口和出生队列的分组回归发现,家庭因素对不同组别的育龄群体生育行为的影响存在显著的异质性,表现为家庭规模对女性育龄群体生育行为的负向影响更为显著;家庭规模和家庭人均收入对农业户口育龄群体生育行为的负向影响更为显著;家庭生育代际传递对生育行为的促进作用随出生队列增加而增强。基于此,从积极发挥家庭因素对育龄群体生育的正向效应,努力提升育龄群体的生育意愿,加强性别平等引导与宣传教育,缩小城乡家庭发展差距等方面提出促进生...     

三孩政策下新冠肺炎疫情对居民生育意愿的影响北大核心

新冠肺炎疫情对人类社会发展产生了巨大且深远的影响,其如何影响人们的生育意愿亟待研究。基于第三期湖北省百县生育调查数据和新构建的地区疫情风险等级指数,研究了新冠肺炎疫情对居民生育意愿的影响。结果显示,新冠肺炎疫情对居民生育意愿有显著促进作用,地区疫情风险等级每上升1个单位,一孩家庭的二孩生育意愿提高39.6%,二孩家庭的三孩生育意愿提高55.6%。进一步分析表明,对于二孩生育意愿,地区疫情风险等级的上升对高自评家庭社会经济地位群体、高受教育水平群体以及非农户口家庭的促进作用更为明显;对于三孩生育意愿,新冠肺炎疫情仅对高自评家庭社会经济地位群体、高受教育水平群体以及非农户口家庭产生显著正向影响。研究结论对于研判后疫情时期中国生育水平走势具有重要启示意义。     

我国城乡居民分年龄、性别和受教育程度的生育意愿研究

本文利用国家计划生育委员会2002年城乡居民生育意愿调查的数据对目前我国城乡居民分年龄、性别和受教育程度的意愿生育子女数量和影响因素进行了分析。     

一孩与二孩家庭育龄妇女生育意愿比较

基于江苏苏南某农村790户家庭的抽样调查数据,比较一孩与二孩家庭育龄妇女的生育意愿,并运用回归模型对影响两类家庭育龄妇女生育意愿的因素进行研究。结果显示,两类家庭育龄妇女的意愿生育数量、意愿生育性别和意愿生育间隔没有显著差异,仅在对"女性生育的最大年龄"的认识上二孩妇女明显低于一孩妇女。但两类家庭育龄妇女在生育意愿的影响因素上存在着较大的差异。     

农村妇女生育意愿影响因素分析

低生育水平不代表我国农村社会生育意愿已经完成了从传统型向现代型的转变,因为生育意愿的变化受到社会和家庭多种因素的影响。借助莱宾斯坦孩子"成本-效用"理论,通过农村妇女边际孩子的选择对农村妇女生育意愿的影响因素进行分析。结果发现,性别偏好、孩子的经济成本以及抵御家庭风险、扩大家庭规模的效用在影响妇女生育意愿中起着较为明显的作用。了解农村妇女生育意愿影响因素,对建设先进生育文化有重要意义。     

青年女性生育意愿与行为偏离的区域差异——基于文化和社会经济视角的发现

文章利用2017年全国生育状况抽样调查数据,基于经济学和人口学的理论,从数量和性别两个维度分析青年女性生育意愿与行为偏离的地域差异及其影响因素。研究结果表明：（1）数量维度的偏离以青年女性的生育意愿高于生育行为为主要表现形式,理想子女数比实际子女数平均高0.4～0.5个,性别维度的偏离主要表现为近六成的青年女性现有子女性别结构未满足理想子女性别结构,生育意愿与行为偏离呈现出明显的地域差异;（2）区域的“经济—文化”类型对生育意愿与行为偏离有显著影响,高人均GDP—强生育文化区域的青年女性生育数量与性别偏离的可能性相对更高;（3）生育意愿与行为偏离的影响因素存在区域异质性,城乡类型、流动状态、年龄、婚姻状况、婚姻持续时长、民族、受教育程度、工作类型和收入水平等因素对生育意愿与行为偏离的影响在不同的“经济—文化”区域存在差异。文章认为,完善生育支持政策应综合考虑地域文化和社会经济发展水平的异质性,力求实现“经济—文化”同向驱动和不同类型地区协同联动,推进人口的长期均衡高质量发展。     

中国大城市不同人群生育意愿的 变迁趋势及比较研究 ——以上海市为例

生育意愿研究有水平研究和趋势研究两个视角,后者更能反映人们观念的变迁,更能预判未来生育水平的变动。文章以上海市为例,采用横断历史元分析法(Cross-temporal meta-analysis),将1981年以来的30多年间上海市范围内开展的26项涉及居民生育意愿调查的结果串联起来,结合其中5项调查的个案数据分析,考察我国大城市不同社会经济特征人群的生育意愿纵向变化趋势并进行子人群间的比较。研究发现20世纪80年代以来上海户籍城乡居民的生育意愿均不断减弱并且二者逐渐趋同,生育意愿的"城乡之别"已然消失;在沪外省市流动人口的生育意愿强于户籍人口,"内外之分"仍然存在,但也显示出未来有趋同的可能性;独生子女与非独生子女的生育意愿比较显示户籍人口中独生子女与非独生子女的生育意愿差异极小,流动人口中非独生子女的生育意愿略强于独生子女;从不同文化程度和收入水平的人群比较来看,文化程度越高的户籍人口生育意愿越强,流动人口的生育意愿随文化程度的提高呈现"两头高、中间低"的特征,无论是户籍人口还是流动人口,高收入人群的生育意愿均相对较高;但是无论哪个人群的平均意愿子女数均已低于2个孩子。     

基于符号互动论视角下的个体生育态度探究

近年来随着人口老龄化进程的明显加快，以及不同地区、城市出现的生育率持续走低等情况，中国未来人口数量的变化成为了一个十分重要的议题。近年来，国家先后制定了“双独生二胎”、“单独生二胎”以及全面放开二胎等鼓励民众生育的相关政策；相关学者也从人口学和经济学等视角对生育问题展开了诸多研究。本研究则是从符号互动论这一微观社会学视角出发，试图了解民众（主要集中在1970年至1995年出生的群体）生育态度是否会受到社会心理因素，尤其是从小生长的家庭环境中，兄弟姊妹等手足人数、手足关系、父母对待子女公平与否和出生排行的影响；以及当前生活环境，如社会治安状况、经济发展前景和政治稳定性等方面的主观判断对生育态度的影响；最后研究还将结婚意愿、性别等因素纳入到影响个体生育态度的分析模型之中。研究结果发现，兄弟姊妹等手足越多者，未来越倾向要生孩子；手足间关系越好者，未来也越倾向于要生孩子；排行中间的比排行老大的生孩子意愿高；无论父母对自己和手足公平情况怎样，都不会影响其生育态度。此外在所有外在环境中，经济状况是影响人们生育态度的主要因素，有结婚意愿者更倾向于生育孩子，男性也显著比女性更倾向于生育孩子。     

Differential fertility in central India: A path analysis

This study is one of the few multivariate analyses of the relations of several demographic and socioeconomic variables to fertility and the use of contraception. For fertility, 56 of the 92 hypothesized paths are found to be significant at the .05 level or better. The five variables having a significant and direct effect on fertility, as shown by their path coefficients (p), are: duration of marriage (p= .721), spouse’s cohort (p= ?.093), spouse’s age at marriage (p = .052), caste (p = ?.071), and number of siblings of husband (p = .050). p] The use of contraception is affected by, in order of importance, the spouse’s education (p = .267), the husband’s education (p = .099), the husband’s income (p= .089), and surplus children, i.e., number of living children exceeding ideal number of children (p = .059). Child mortality, which is linked to number of living children and thus indirectly to surplus children, is affected by, in order of importance, the number of children ever born (p = .723), the husband’s education (p = \t-.166), the spouse’s absence by death or separation (p = .084), and family structure (p = \t-.035). p] The advantages and disadvantages of path analysis for this type of research are briefly mentioned.     

The prediction of completed fertility

There has been considerable interest in the relation between familysize desires and completed fertility. Longitudinal data from the Princeton Fertility Study provide a unique opportunity to compare the number of children desired after the birth of a second child to the size of completed families. The average number of children desired by women after the birth of their second child predicts very well the average size of their completed families. The average family size desired at the first interview and average estimated completed family size some eight years later are identical for the total sample, and vary hardly at all within religious or education subgroups. One-third of the variance in the completed fertility of couples is "explained" by wife's family-size desires and the proportion of explained variance increases to two-fifths when we include the husband's first interview desires and the interval between marriage and second birth. Yet in spite of the relatively high correlation between desires and achievement, only 41 percent of these women achieved exactly the number of children they desired at the first interview, while 14 percent had two children more or fewer than originally desired. Nevertheless, data on contraceptive efficiency indicate that desires after the birth of the second child constitute meaningful goals in terms of which the respondents regulate their subsequent behavior-efficacy of contraceptive practice shows substantial improvement after the desired number has been achieved.     

Current primary investigation on the view of family planning of Chinese peasants]

The ideal number of children for 850 couples among 10 cities or counties and 20 villages in China were surveyed. Of the 850, only 1 wanted unlimited children, which accounted for 0.12% of the couples. About 33 desired more than 5, which accounted for 3.9%. However, most of the couples, about 81.4%, prefer 2 or 3 children. 3.2% of the couples were happy with 1 child in their life. In China, peasants still want more children because of their economic situation. There is no retirement and health insurance in the countryside, and the major labor force is in field work. Some consider males as better able to keep family heritage intact. Also, there is difference between agricultural and nonagricultural couples. Comparing the percentage of couples who want 2-3 children, 80% in agricultural sector and 92% in nonagricultural sector desired this number. The remainder of the agricultural group desired more than 3 children. Since economic reform started in the countryside in the early 80s, effects on fertility are seen. One is that peasants want more children because of a rising need for labor. On the other hand, many more opportunities are available to change careers and obtain more education, lowering fertility. However, a rise in fertility is predicted as people concentrate more on economic reform and economic development, increasing their need for children.     

Comparison and fairness in family planning]

There are two kinds of comparison in family planning (FP) practice. First, people compare the number of children they have with their desired family size. Second, people compare their number of children with other's. The extent of their satisfaction from the comparison often depends on their expectation. And people's expectation about their family size may have an impact on the level of fertility. One task in a FP program is to regulate people's objects for comparison and to reduce the number of children they expect to have. But, changes in people's desired number of children are largely dependent upon the socio economic charges which can not be achieved in short time. Therefore, it would be more advisable to direct people to compare their fertility behavior with those of couples who have only one child, rather than those who have 3 or 4. Satisfaction with family size also comes from a feeling of fairness. People not only look at what they get, but also at what others get. Fairness and justice in FP program implementation is important. If those who violate local birth control policies and regulations are not properly punished, other people would feel that the situation is unfair and they would regret that they did not do the same. The pressure brought by over-population to socio-economic development has been gradually felt by most people. But, it is still difficult to have them strictly observe the present fertility regulation policy. If restrictions of various kinds are enforced and education and publicity are used, people will feel that they are being treated fairly. This will facilitate the promotion of the FP program.     

Birth and death in cities in the developing world

City dwellers in Sub-Saharan Africa have increased roughly 600% in the last 35 years. Throughout the developing world, cities have expanded at a rate that has far outpaced rural population growth. Extensive data document lower fertility and mortality rates in cities than in rural regions. But slums, shantytowns, and squatters' settlements proliferate in many large cities. Martin Brockerhoff studies the reproductive and health consequences of urban growth, with an emphasis on maternal and child health. Brockerhoff reports that child mortality rates in large cities are highest among children born to mothers who recently migrated from rural areas or who live in low-quality housing. Children born in large cities have about a 30% higher risk of dying before they reach the age of 5 than those born in smaller cities. Despite this, children born to migrant mothers who have lived in a city for about a year have much better survival chances than children born in rural areas to nonmigrant mothers and children born to migrant mothers before or shortly after migration. Migration in developing countries as a whole has saved millions of children's lives. The apparent benefits experienced in the 1980s may not occur in the future, as cities continue to grow and municipal governments confront an overwhelming need for housing, jobs, and services. Another benefit is that fertility rates in African cities fell by about 1 birth per woman as a result of female migration from villages to towns in the 1980s and early 1990s. There will be an increasing need for donors and governments to concentrate family planning, reproductive health, child survival, and social services in cities, particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa, because there child mortality decline has been unexpectedly slow, overall fertility decline is not yet apparent in most countries, and levels of migration to cities are anticipated to remain high.     

农村外出妇女的生育意愿分析——基于鄂州、黄石、仙桃三地数据

本文利用2009年2月在鄂州、黄石、仙桃农村外出和未外出育龄妇女的调查数据，通过列联分析和logistic二元回归分析，从四个方面分别考察了外出与未外出育龄妇女生育意愿的关系及其影响因素。结果发现．育龄妇女的意愿子女数主要受其年龄、受教育程度、职业状况等个人特征的影响，外出过的妇女的意愿子女数要显著少于未外出过的妇女，这种差异主要是由于外出妇女与未外出妇女本身的结构差异所引起的，外出本身对育龄妇女的意愿子女数并没有显著作用；在生育目的上，外出与未外出妇女存在显著性差异，外出能弱化传统思想在妇女生育动机中的作用；在意愿生育性别和意愿生育时间这两个方面外出和未外出妇女没有显著性的差异。     

Does family policy affect fertility?

From the mid-1960s to around 1980, Sweden extended its family policies that provide financial and in-kind support to families with children very quickly. The benefits were closely tied to previous work experience. Thus, women born in the 1950s faced markedly different incentives when making fertility choices compared to women born only 15–20 years earlier. This paper examines the evolution of completed fertility patterns for Swedish women born in 1925–1958 and makes comparisons to women in neighbouring countries where the policies were not extended as much as in Sweden. The results suggest that the extension of the policy raised the level of fertility, shortened the spacing of births, and induced fluctuations in the period fertility rates, but it did not change the negative relationship between women’s educational level and completed fertility.     

Family sizes of children and family sizes of women

This paper demonstrates the relation that obtains between the average family size of women and the average family size of offspring of those women. It estimates the value of these two measures for cohorts of American women aged 45–49 in various years from 1890 to 1970. It shows that children born during the post-war baby boom actually derived from smaller families than those born during the low-fertility 1930’s; that under current patterns a woman would have to bear an average of almost two children fewer than were borne by her mother merely to keep population fertility rates constant from generation to generation; and that average family size for nonwhite children exceeds that for white by 50 percent, although the racial difference in family sizes of women is only 19 percent.