交往：“加强民族交往交流交融”的逻辑起点——兼及武陵地区民俗类国家级非遗交往功能问题

马克思主义的“交往”范畴,立足于哲学人类学思维范式的应用,重视日常生活化“接地气”的交往功能。“民族交往交流交融”理论的落脚点在“交”,即“相互交汇,有所接触”的“交往”。这样通过“民族群体间的交往交流交融”日常生活的应用理解,阐释“民族交往交流交融”概念的核心要义及其逻辑起点。风俗习惯在人们社会交往活动过程中产生与传承,直接影响着人们日常生活的交往活动。重庆国家级民俗类非遗的秀山花灯,当代以来舞台化精品打造历史经验收获不少,但我们可能更应注意的是其民间交往功能存在的问题,政府主导的秀山花灯春节“跳花灯”习俗活动,成为本地“加强民族交往交流交融”的民间文化交往功能重要载体,有助于美丽乡村公共文化建设愿景的达成。     

湖北汉川 夯实三个基础 促进交往交流交融

湖北省汉川市是“全国最具投资潜力中小城市百强市”,山后湾社区位于汉川市城区中心,现有居民2828户,10308人,有回族、土家族、苗族、满族、维吾尔族、藏族、羌族、布依族8个少数民族。近年来,山后湾社区着力夯实铸牢中华民族共同体意识的思想基础、文化基础、社会基础,促进交往交流交融,先后投入100余万元,提升民族团结进步创建质效,建设团结和美社区。     

从甘青宁地区多民族共有文化符号看中华民族交往交流交融——以“花儿”民歌为个案

一部中华民族史,就是一部各民族交往交流交融汇聚形成中华民族共同体的历史,各民族交往交流交融,共构了中华民族共有精神家园,培育了中华民族共同体意识。“花儿”是甘青宁地区多民族共创共有共享的民歌符号,充分体现了甘青宁多民族交往交流交融的历史事实,对于“花儿”这一西北多民族共有文化符号的解读,既是从文化本位的角度对于西北花儿的本质属性进行正本清源,更能从经验案例中提供一个各民族在不同领域不同层面交往交流交融的地方知识,为铸牢中华民族共同体意识提供必要的学理依据。     

政治现代化视野中各民族交往交流交融析论

国家政治建设与中国特色解决民族问题的道路为各民族交往交流交融提供了现代政治内涵。从政治哲学角度说,各民族交往交流交融是一种三维政治存在,第一维是规范性交往交流交融,第二维是制度性交往交流交融,第三维是其他政治实践中的交往交流交融。三者具有形而上、形而中和形而下的内在逻辑关系,形成政治价值理念—政治制度—政治实践的逻辑闭环。规范性交往交流交融,表现为各民族要内化民族平等、团结、互助、和谐之价值,远景表现为各民族要为未来的民族融合、人类大解放努力奋斗。制度性交往交流交融,以前述规范为前提,表现为各民族在基本政治制度框架内交往交流交融,这是各族人民当家作主、共建伟大祖国的正式制度过程。其他政治实践中的交往交流交融,表现为各族人民共同实现中华民族大解放,共同参与民族区域自治实践以及共建中华民族大家庭。     

从红水河流域蚂节看壮汉文化交融

蚂节是红水河流域壮族极具农耕色彩的节日。在壮族与汉族长期交往交流交融过程中,其文化要素与内涵不断丰富,壮族神器铜鼓与汉族神兽实现互通,壮族文化与道教文化得以互融,壮、汉民族以仪式为纽带“同祀共欢”。壮、汉民族通过“互鉴”的途径达成“共享”,从而实现彼此文化的交融。蚂节也因此发展成为整合壮汉民族关系的节日庆典。这一鲜活案例不但是中华民族多元一体格局的微观体现,而且是铸牢中华民族共同体意识的宝贵资源,对于从多维度探究民族交往交流交融有所助益。     

多民族社区公共性构建研究——从杂居到互嵌的路径分析

公共性是民族团结的本质属性。公共性的生成,不仅是杂居社区内各族群众实现良好互动的过程,也是建构民族和谐关系的有效路径。利用公共性理论研究西北杂居社区向互嵌社区转型的可能性,能帮助我们较好地理解各族群众公共生活的基本需求、不同生活习惯及文化传承的交往交融状态,从而有针对性地进行政策干预,有效推进杂居社区朝着团结交融状态和谐发展。     

湖北：以茶促“融” 促进各民族交往交流交融

近年来,湖北以茶促“融”,架起了民族团结进步的连心桥,促进各民族交往交流交融。坚持以茶为媒,促进边疆茶销区与内地茶产区、中东部地区与民族地区产茶区之间经济、社会和文化的交往交流交融;坚持以茶富民,加强民族地区茶产区“三茶统筹”高质量发展,助力各民族共同迈进社会主义现代化;坚持以茶载文,推进中华茶文化遗产保护、传承和利用,构筑中华民族共有精神家园;坚持以茶润心,挖掘各民族创造中国茶的历史,有形有感有效推进民族团结进步创建,彰显中华民族共同体意识;坚持以茶弘道,宣传中华文明“和而不同”“合作共赢”的精神特质,推进世界文明交流互鉴,助推人类命运共同体构建。现将《民族团结研究》杂志刊发的《湖北省以茶促“融”促进各民族交往交流交融》一文转载分享。     

边疆省区和合国家文化公园建设构想：时代价值、基本逻辑与实现路径

边疆省区和合国家文化公园建设构想的提出有助于拓宽国家文化公园的空间范围，丰富其文化内涵。研究围绕“为什么建设”“怎样建设”的核心问题，系统梳理国家文化公园建设背景以揭示其时代价值，并在理论与实践逻辑辨析的基础上提出具体的实现路径。研究认为，和合国家文化公园建设可将国家文化公园的重点区域延伸至边疆省区并赋予其动态交融的和合文化内涵，从而推动铸牢中华民族共同体意识落到实处，构筑国家文化安全的战略基石。和合国家文化公园通过有形、有感、有效地构建和合文化空间廊道，可促进各民族交往交流交融，实现价值要素沿“共振—共创—共生”路径协同推进中华民族共同体建设。最后，研究提出边疆省区和合国家文化公园的建设路径，即在旅游资源普查基础上遴选文化交融类资源，在以旅游促进各民族交往交流交融的基础上确立“和合共美”示范区，在国家文化公园建设基础上探索多元主体共创机制。研究为深化边疆省区国家文化公园建设提供理论依据与政策参考。     

土丁招募与辰砂朝贡：两宋沅水流域民族交往交流交融之发展

两宋对沅水流域沿边溪峒治理,经由抚绥羁縻至平乱开拓转变,南渡之后又转羁縻。这一区域治理策略转变的历史进程,促进了两宋沅水流域民族交往交流交融的发展。土丁招募与辰砂朝贡则是沅水流域民族交往交流交融的主要方式和途径。通过土丁招募,大批“土民”走出溪峒成为省民;以辰砂为重要物资的朝贡贸易促进溪峒“土民”与内地省民的交融。两宋时期沅水流域沿边溪峒各民族交往交流交融,既体现了中央王朝对沅水流域沿边溪峒治理的突出成效,亦为后世湘西地区与中央王朝的政治、经济、文化互动奠定了坚实基础。     

中华文化多元一体格局：时空维度下织锦绣文化演进论

五千年中华历史所造就的中华文化,复杂性、完整性和发展性凝聚成了中华民族的根与魂。本文的研究对象——中华织锦绣文化,是中华文化的重要组成部分,包括了我国56个民族不同的织锦绣文化。从空间维度俯瞰其历史演进脉络,各民族织锦绣文化的差异性总体上展现出“多元”的表征,在族际的交往、交流、交融进程中,熔铸于共同的中华文化而成为“一体”,其发展轨迹清晰地表现出由“各美其美”到“美美与共”的逻辑演进历程。换而言之,基于不同层次文化结构的各民族织锦绣文化间的交往、交流、交融,中华民族织锦绣文化同时呈现出“你中有我,我中有你”“多元”与“一体”的辩证统一。其中,“一体”是主线,“多元”则是内含元素。研究发现,中华织锦绣文化“多元一体”格局的融成,对于厚植中华文化沃土和铸牢中华民族共同体意识均具有重要意义。     

中国民族间发展的多重差异格局与差别化、协同性政策开发研究——论中国民族关系的新形态与民族政策的新体系

After 60 years of implementation, the ethnic regional autonomous policy has provided basic political support for promoting the common development and prosperity of all ethnic groups. Especially since the period of “Reform and Open-ing Up” began, the national preferential policies and support for ethnic minority areas gradually in-creased, and economic and social development in the ethnic minority areas clearly speeded up. Ac-cording to official statistics, after more than 30 years of “Reform and Opening Up”, the economic growth rate of China’s ethnic minority areas is high-er than the national average. However, at the same time , the economic and social development gap be-tween different ethnic groups has become more and more pronounced. The development of the ethnic groups has created a structure of multiple dispari-ties, which fundamentally restricts ethnic unity, as well as political and social stability in ethnic areas of China. This structure of multiple disparities re-flects the imbalances mainly in four aspects: 1 ) the ongoing large gap between the ethnic minority areas and Han Chinese regions remains; 2 ) the unequal economic and social development among the various ethnic minority people has expanded;3 ) the economic gap within the same ethnic minor-ity autonomous region has gradually become more pronounced;and, 4 ) the differences in develop-ment within the same ethnic group who live in vari-ous regions of China are also very obvious. The multiple inequalities of the economic and social development of China’s ethnic groups add more complexity to the ethnic problems of China. The disparity in economic and social development between different ethnic groups is not only an eco-nomic problem, but is also a significant political issue. Hence, promoting a balanced economic and social development among the various ethnic groups has a very obvious practical significance for main-taining ethnic unity, promoting national integra-tion, and maintaining national stability . Based on the discussion above, this article mainly explores which kind of ethnic policy can ef-fectively resolve the multiple disparities found with-in ethnic development and is beneficial for promo-ting the integration of the various ethnic groups in China? On the basis of summarizing and reviewing approaches found in earlier research, the author puts forward the following core ideas:1 ) The economic and social development differences of various ethnic groups have formed a pattern of multiple disparities in China, and it is no longer simply a gap between the Han and ethnic minorities. Since the implementation of the “Re-form and Opening Up” policy, the differentiation or disparity between China’s ethnic minorities has become more and more pronounced—this phenom-enon constitutes a new challenge to China’s ethnic unity and national unification. Therefore, we must adjust ethnic policy in order to solve the “true problem” or “new problem” concerning China’s ethnic problem. 2 ) The multi-faceted disparities found in the economic and social development among China’s ethnic minorities result from many factors, inclu-ding institutional, policy, historical, geographical, cultural, and psychological. Therefore, we must realize a diversity of ethnic policy, and build a comprehensive ethnic policy system. 3 ) For the purpose of realizing the integration and state construction of the ethnic groups, in ad-dition to implementing the current policy of differ-entiation, we must also ensure a “four balanced and coordinated development”. This includes a balance between the Han areas and ethnic minority areas, a balance among the various ethnic minori-ties themselves, a balance within the same ethnic minority areas, and a balance within the same eth-nic group who live in different areas. This requires the central government to strengthen a double dif-ferentiation and collaborative orientation of ethnic policies concerning the market, labor, resources, technology, and capital.     

从“边地”到“一体”：乌江流域各民族融入中华民族共同体的历史进程

乌江流域民族地区作为我国西部少数民族重要聚居区,其“边地”的文化属性具有典型的征候意义。从历史、现实和未来等长时段纵向讨论该地区的“边地”内涵,借由“边地”相关理论并围绕这一地区的“边地”历史、“一体化”进程与策略、“一体化”格局与状态等方面探究乌江流域各民族融入中华民族共同体的历史进程,能为“各民族共创中华”等主题提供参考,从而有利于进一步铸牢中华民族共同体意识。乌江流域各民族融入中华民族共同体的历史,是一部中国各民族诞生、发展、交融以及共同缔造统一多民族国家的历史,也是中华民族从“自为”“自在”实体走向“自立自强”实体并且凝聚力、向心力日益增强的历史。     

极端民族主义恐怖犯罪的刑事控制及其评价

After entering the 21st century, ter￣rorist crimes have become more serious. Terrorism has become one of the worst problems of the mod￣ern world and will continue to be a serious problem in the future. China is also facing the challenge of terrorist crime. Can the present criminal system accomplish the mission of legislative control of these crimes and fulfill the goal of penalising them? It seems that a review and evaluation of the rele￣vant criminal legislation and policies is necessary.
There are different definitions of terrorist crimes. American scholars Alex P. Schmid and Albert J. Jongman gave a review of 109 different definitions that appeared during the period from 1936 to 1983 , and proposed their own opinions in the book Political Terrorism. Chinese scholar Hu Lianhe analyzed 50 definitions that appeared after 1982, and proposed his own idea. On January 1 2016 , the third article of the Zhonghua renmin gongheguo fan kongbu zhuyi fa ( Anti -terrorism Law of the P. R. C) formally defines “terrorism”and “terrorist activities”. Generally speaking, both the academic and legal definitions have gener￣alized three characteristics of “terrorist crime”from subjective and objective aspects: 1 ) taking social order, public security, personnel and prop￣erty as the target of the ( terrorist ) behavior; 2 ) hurting the targets described above or threatening the state organs or international organizations by way of violence, destruction or intimidation; 3 ) taking the realization of some certain political or i￣deological purpose and claims as the ultimate goal of the ( terrorist) behavior.
Concerning the relation between extreme na￣tionalism and terrorism, the general idea is that“there is no pure form of nationalism; it is always combined with some certain political or social pow￣er, and characterized with social movement or his￣torical process”. And seeing from the development course of terrorism,“nationalism is one of the most permanent roots of terrorism”, and is also “one of the most powerful roots of terrorism.”
China has mainly experienced five revisions of its law concerning terrorist crimes: 1 ) revising criminal law in 1997 , and including terrorist or￣ganizations into the criminal penalty for the first time ; 2 ) legislating about terrorist crimes in the xingfa xiuzhengan san ( Criminal Law Amendment III) in 2001; 3 ) intensifying the applicability of the criminal law to terrorist crimes in the xingfa xi￣uzhengan ba ( Criminal Law Amendment VIII ) in 2011;4 ) including technical detection measures of crime on terrorist activities in the xingshi susong fa ( Criminal Procedure Law) revised in March 2012, thereby establishing the legal position of this kind of detection measure in criminal procedure; 5 ) substantially adding accusations in the xingfa xi￣uzhengan jiu ( Criminal Law Amendment IX ) re￣vised in 2015 , and strongly fighting against the ter￣rorist crime .
“As one of the social policies, criminal policy is a kind of countermeasure to handle different kinds of crime without delay - this determines that the formulation of criminal policy is bound to social politics and economics in a period of time.”Since the founding of New China, China has made up corresponding criminal policies according to the social needs and criminal status in different eras. In order to maintain a harmonious relationship be￣tween various ethnic groups, and respect the ethnic culture and customs, a criminal policy called “li￣angshao yikuan” (“less arrested, less killed, and punished leniently”) had been carried out con￣cerning the ethnic minority crimes. However, this criminal policy which had played an important role in juridical practice in handling criminal cases of ethnic minorities is unlikely to be a basic criminal policy for the control of extreme nationalist terrorist crimes in the present day. On the new historical stage,“kuanyan xiangji” ( combining punishment with leniency) has become a basic policy for deal￣ing with criminals in China—this policy is based on the inheritance of the rational connotation of the combination of serious and lenient punishment in the criminal policy, and learning the experience or lessons of “seriously fighting” criminal crimes since the implementation of the reform and opening-up policy. Doubtlessly, this new criminal policy has a guidance significance in the punishment of all criminal activities, including extreme nationalist terrorist crimes of the present.
A basic evaluation of China’ s criminal legis￣lation on the punishment of extreme nationalist ter￣rorist crimes is:1 ) it has developed from non-ex￣istence to existence; the relevant criminal legisla￣tion is in accord with the developmental direction of domestic terrorist crimes and the anti-terrorism situation;2 ) it has worked in concert with the anti-terrorism strategy of the UN, and performed a state party’ s duty;3) it has an obvious tendency of “severe penalty ”; 4 ) the revision of criminal law has started to be influenced by the risk concept of criminal law.
In summation, China ’ s criminal legislation and criminal policies have a positive significance in controlling the extreme nationalist terrorism crimes. However, there are still some deficiencies of the strategies of controlling crime. Hence, the following issues should be addressed in the subse￣quent legislation: 1 ) Before identifying a kind of behavior as a crime, one should judge whether the duty attached to the new accusation is a kind of ex￣cessive demand on the ordinary people;2 ) The ra￣tionality of the expected goal of criminal legislation cannot guarantee the rationality of a specific sys￣tem, therefore, the lawmakers also need to consid￣er whether the measures for realizing the goal are reasonable. 3) The deserved function of the non-criminal penalty method should be noticed, and it should be developed rationally and harmoniously together with the criminal penalty,thus a solid sys￣tem which can control extreme nationalist terrorist crime should then be constructed. 4) The guaran￣tee of human rights also cannot be ignored in the anti-terrorist legislation and criminal policies.     

“They Are Clipping Our Wings”: Health Implications of Restrictive Immigrant Policies for Mexican-Origin Women in a Northern Border Community

We examine racialization processes experienced by women of Mexican origin in a northern border community during a protracted period of restrictive immigrant policies that have disparately affected Mexican-origin communities, and consider pathways through which these experiences may affect health. This grounded theory analysis draws on interviews conducted in 2013–2014 with 48 first, 1.5, and second generation Mexican-origin women living in Detroit, MI. Racialization processes blurred boundaries between Latinas/os, immigrants, and undocumented immigrants. Racialized policies and interactions required women to negotiate shifting and often precarious social and political terrain. We describe racializing markers used by agents of multiple institutions to assess the legal status of women and members of their social networks, shaping their access to the resources over which institutional agents held power. Specifically, we consider the dynamic mechanisms by which multiple legal, social, and employment institutions exacted immigrant policing and bureaucratic surveillance. These include: (1) interior and border immigration enforcement agents’ active surveillance of residents; (2) local law enforcement officials’ assertion of authority over driver’s licenses and contact with immigration officials, often in traffic-related encounters; (3) Secretary of State clerks’ discretion in assessing legal status and issuing driver’s licenses and state IDs; (4) social welfare agents’ scrutiny of citizenship status in determining access to nutritional, economic, and medical resources; and (5) employers’ exploitation of these structural vulnerabilities to justify unfair treatment of immigrant workers. We theorize several mechanisms, by which these processes affect health, including: stigmatization; hypervigilance; and restricted access to health-promoting resources.     

铸牢民族高校大学生中华民族共同体意识——基于文化纽带视角

中华文化源远流长、博大精深,是中华民族的灵魂和根基,也是中华民族成员联系的精神纽带。作为中华文化的重要组成部分,少数民族优秀文化中蕴含着丰富的思想资源:“天人合一”的哲学思想、各民族共同奋斗的历史进程、“和而不同、多元一体”的灿烂文化、厚德载物的价值观念和各民族共同创造的精神家园,这些优秀文化是各少数民族群体赖以生存、发展的灵魂和根基,也是中华文化保持旺盛生命力、强大凝聚力和伟大创造力的源泉。在民族高校思想政治理论课、校本课程、特色课及选修课和“课程思政”的教学中,充分挖掘和利用少数民族优秀文化资源有助于增强少数民族大学生中华文化认同与文化自信,提升多数民族大学生对少数民族优秀文化的认知和体验,促进少数民族和多数民族双向认同,在此基础上铸牢中华民族共同体意识。     

清代：中华民族命运共同体构建的重要历史时期——以清代基层社会组织重建和社会治理为视角的考察

以清代基层社会组织重建和社会治理为视角进行考察,清代是中华民族命运共同体构建的一个重要历史时期。清朝建立后,不仅继承了明朝的政治制度和国家治理体系,也继承了明朝的基层社会治理体系,重点对宗族、保甲、乡约以及会馆等民间组织的恢复与重建予以支持,并让渡部分公权力,使其统治触角向下延伸,“皇权”也由此渗入县以下的城乡基层社会。满族属于中华民族共同体的一员,而非域外之人,因此,他们一旦取得政权之后,除了保留满族的部分政治文化和风俗传统外,更多的是在大中华文化体系中寻找生存智慧与治国理政之道。在清代,不仅汉族、满族,也包括蒙古族、藏族或回族以及其他中国境内各民族,都主动或被动、自觉或不自觉地融入到中华民族命运共同体构建的历史进程之中。正因为如此,民族融会才升华为“中华民族”这一新概念。     

中国共产党民族理论百年演进的历史逻辑

中国共产党民族理论百年演进的奋斗历程表明,必须把马克思主义民族理论基本原理与中国民族问题的具体实际相结合,建立中国特色的民族理论体系。中国共产党的民族理论既不是先天长成的,亦不是后天做成的,而是多种因素合力下长成的。其中,作为“材料”的民族主义、作为“方法”的民族运动、作为“他者”的民族国家、作为“根基”的民族精神、作为“使命”的民族复兴五重面向,反映了党民族理论历史起步时期不同阶段的主题、内容及特征。当然,这些面向并非边界清晰可判,在不同的阶段有时侧重突出一面,有时多面交织呈现。虽然此时的民族理论不可避免地呈现出某些不成熟的面向,但已初具雏形,并为其后的渐进改进提供了理论前站、搭建了总体框架。这一探讨,对理解中国共产党民族理论百年演进的艰难性、曲折性、多元性和复杂性具有重要的价值。     

中华民族共同体视域下当代少数民族题材记录片的创作演变

“铸牢中华民族共同体意识”是党和国家基于民族工作新形势部署的新战略。作为民族话语重要文化载体的中国少数民族题材纪录片见证并勾勒了其话语表达逻辑及实践机理。从主流意识的“政治宣传”到民族文化“共生交融”,从话语主体的“他者言说”到“开放自述”,从镜头对准“集体形象”转向聚焦“个体形象”,折射出我国民族共同体话语建构传播的递嬗性超越。作为民族话语重要文化载体的中国少数民族纪录片一方面应以植耕历史,加强对各民族优秀文化的挖掘和阐发,表达文化诉求,促成各民族间的认识、认知、认可、认同,进而在精神层面生发持久、恒定的态度与力量。另一方面从人本角度出发,思考“人的自我发展”、“人与他者”、“人与世界”的多元伦理关系,互相接纳,互相启迪、互惠利他,在休戚与共的命运共同体中解决现实生活中的生存生活困境,在共同体谱系中实现个人、民族的价值追求。     

国家治理视域下民族互嵌型社区建设的五维考察与优化策略——基于2018年中国劳动力动态调查数据分析

在基层推进国家治理体系和治理能力现代化的基础性工作,突显了加强社区治理体系和治理能力现代化建设的极其重要性。国家治理是对“五位一体”总体布局的全面治理,民族互嵌型社区作为一种特殊的社区类型,在国家治理视域下推进民族互嵌型社区建设,应以民主型自治社区、互助型爱心社区、体验型幸福社区、和谐型平安社区、健康型美丽社区等五维内涵为指向,并基于2018年中国劳动力动态调查数据实证考察民族互嵌型社区的五维建设成效。根据五维建设中存在的相关问题或不足之处展开成因分析,在此基础上提出相应的优化策略。     

新时代“五位一体”铸牢中华民族共同体意识探究

中华民族共同体是中华民族在几千年历史长河中不断形成和发展起来的命运共同体,与之相伴而成的中华民族共同体意识是维护祖国统一,维护民族团结,实现中华民族这一大家庭繁荣昌盛的思想基础。“五位一体”总体布局着眼于“两个一百年”奋斗目标的全过程,全面推进经济建设、政治建设、文化建设、社会建设、生态文明建设,实现以人为本,全面协调可持续的科学发展。新时代民族工作必须以铸牢中华民族共同体意识为主线,在铸牢中华民族共同体意识方面,我们要立足当代、立足国内国际新形势、利用优势、补齐短板、全方位的“五位一体”铸牢中华民族共同体意识,不断巩固民族大团结和各民族全面发展的胜利果实,保证中华民族永续繁荣发展。