The Positive Effect of Black Density on White Crossover Voting: Reconsidering Social Interaction Theory

Objective . Social interaction theory has received considerable attention. One limitation of previous studies has been that they did not examine how the positive effect of racial interaction on white racial tolerance may be enhanced or reduced by other factors. This article tests five hypotheses derived from the basic assumption of social interaction theory. Methods . Employing EI procedure, a newly developed ecological inference method, this study uses the precinct-level data from New Orleans' 29 biracial elections to estimate white crossover voting at the neighborhood level. The hypotheses are tested by both ordinary least squares and weighted least squares models. Results . White crossover voting is positively related to black density. The positive effect of black density, however, is relatively weak. Other factors such as the racial composition of candidate field and election type are more important. Conclusions . Caution needs to be exercised in accepting social interaction theory. The level of racial competition in biracial elections may reverse white support for black candidates.     

A home of her own: an analysis of asset ownership for non-married black and white women

Race and gender are strong predictors of asset ownership including home ownership, self-employment and interest, dividends and rental income. Yet, seldom have the two concepts been linked in the sociological literature on wealth and wealth inequality. Additionally, potentially important determinants such as business income have often times been excluded from the analyses despite findings suggesting that business income may be an important indicator for racial and minority groups who would otherwise be relegated to employment in low status jobs in the secondary labor market. Using data from the Census 2000 Supplementary Survey (C2SS), this study examines the following research questions: (1) Are their racial differences in the relative odds of home ownership for non-married black and white females? (2) What roles do business income and interest, dividends and rental income have on predicting the likelihood of home ownership for non-married black and white females? (3) Are the determinants of home ownership different for non-married black and white females? Significant racial differences in the likelihood of home ownership exists with regards to education and labor force participation, and business income and interest, dividends and rental income are significant indicators of home ownership for both non-married black and white females.     

The Impact of Social Capital on Labor Force Participation: Evidence from the 2000 Social Capital Benchmark Survey

Objectives . Few studies apply the concept of social capital to labor force participation. In this research, I study the relationship between friendship networks and labor force participation as represented by employment and hours worked. Methods . I test five hypotheses representing social capital with network structure, network quality, and network diversity using nationally representative data from the 2000 Social Capital Benchmark Survey. Since this survey enables comparisons across racial/ethnic and gender groups, I am also able to specify how social capital interacts with race/ethnicity and gender to influence labor force participation, while controlling for other prominent theoretical concerns such as human capital theory. Results . I find that friendship networks are generally positively related with increased labor force participation. Further, I find significant social capital differences based on race/ethnicity and gender. Conclusions . I illustrate that social capital can be applied across a broader racial/ethnic/gender spectrum. The findings suggest that programs that attempt to bring valuable labor market information to individuals and communities lacking employment–related information are likely to be effective in reducing inequality, especially if combined with programs for developing human capital.     

Race,Religion, and Opposition to Same‐Sex Marriage*

Objective. We examine racial differences in support for same‐sex marriage, and test whether the emerging black‐white gap is a function of religiosity. We explore how religious factors play a crucial role in racial differences, and how secular factors have varying effects on attitudes for whites and African Americans. Methods. Using data from the General Social Surveys, we estimate ordinal logistic regression models and stacked structural equation models. Results. We show that the racial divide is a function of African Americans' ties to sectarian Protestant religious denominations and high rates of church attendance. We also show racial differences in the influence of education and political values on opposition to same sex marriage. Conclusions. Religious factors are a source of racial differences in support for same‐sex marriage, and secular influences play less of a role in structuring African Americans' beliefs about same‐sex marriage.     

Interscholastic Athletics and Investment in Human Capital*

Objectives. Several studies, such as Hoberman (1997) and Leeds (2003) , have claimed that success in the athletic arena has distorted the human capital decisions of young black men. We test this hypothesis by determining how participation in interscholastic athletics affects the study habits of black and white youths. Methods. We build a theoretical model that allows youths to invest in athletic or academic human capital. We test this model using data from the National Educational Longitudinal Survey and accounting for possible self‐selection bias. Results. We find that athletic participation does not have a statistically significant impact on the amount of time young black men and women spend studying. The impact for young white men and women is positive and significant, though the impact of playing football and basketball does have a negative impact for young white men. Conclusions. Participating in interscholastic athletics does not have the pervasive negative impact on young black men that Hoberman (1997) and Leeds (2003) claim. The expected negative impact of basketball and football—the so‐called money sports—exists for young white men, though this is offset by the positive impact of participation in athletics per se.     

移民的呼声——户籍如何影响了公共意识与公共参与

本文利用CGSS2010的调查数据,考察了户籍身份对城市居民公共意识与公共参与的影响。研究发现,户籍身份对移民的公共意识有一定的负面影响,这种影响并没有随着移民收入或教育水平的提高而明显减弱。在公共参与方面,移民表现得更为消极,其中部分原因是由于现有制度对他们的公共参与形成制约。但在群体性事件参与和面临政府不公对待的态度方面,不同户籍身份人群之间却没有显著的差异。虽然收入水平或教育水平更高的居民的确具有更强的公共意识,但并不明显具有更高的公共参与度。     

What drives unconventional political participation? A two level study

There is little evidence on the factors that drive peaceful unconventional political participation. This study evaluates the impact of seven individual level constituents – age, income, education, gender, satisfaction with the government, engagement in civil society organizations and voting – as well as five macro-level factors – economic development, democratic experience, income inequalities, a country's regime type and federalism – on citizens’ participation in boycotts, demonstrations and petition signing activities. Participation in all three protest activities hinges on education, voting, participation in civil society organizations, and lack of satisfaction with the government. Moreover, the influence of some macro-factors, such as democratic experience and economic development, and micro-level factors, such as gender differs between the three forms of political engagement.     

The Roles of Race,Class, and Residential Preferences in the Neighborhood Racial Composition of Middle‐Class Blacks and Whites*

Objective. This analysis extends the residential attainment literature by examining the neighborhood racial composition of middle‐class blacks and whites while controlling for residential preferences. Methods. Using the Multi‐City Study of Urban Inequality and 1990 Census data, the spatial assimilation and place stratification theories of locational attainment are tested. Results. As in previous research, support is shown for both theories; for blacks, stronger human capital characteristics translate into neighborhoods that are less racially segregated. However, even when middle‐class blacks prefer to live in integrated neighborhoods, on average, they live in neighborhoods that are about 60 percent black and 30 percent white, while middle‐class whites who prefer to live in integrated neighborhoods reside in neighborhoods that, on average, are 10 percent black and 85 percent white. Conclusions. Although incorporating residential preferences into models that predict neighborhood racial composition proves important, the relative inability of middle‐class blacks to implement their preferences indicates powerful social forces that maintain “American apartheid.”     

Wired to mobilize: The effect of social networking messages on voter turnout

Recent scholarship has documented the effect of online social networking on political participation, a relationship hypothesized to be due to the generation of social capital. This paper tests the hypothesis that impersonal get-out-the-vote messages delivered via an online social network can increase voter turnout. Specifically, this study uses a field experiment of randomly assigned students from a large southern public university to test the effect of exposure to political messages via Facebook on the likelihood of them voting in the November 2010 election. The results indicate that encouragements to vote delivered through a social networking site can have substantively large effects on political behavior.     

Race,Roll‐Off,and Racial Transition: The Influence of Political Change on Racial Group Voter Roll‐Off in Urban Elections*

Objectives. Many cities in the United States have undergone or are undergoing racial transition from a majority white to a majority black population. Accompanying this is a change in the racial makeup of elections and officeholders. This article seeks to explain racial patterns in voter roll‐off as a city undergoes racial transition. Methods. Using a fixed‐effects regression model, we analyze the level of voter roll‐off (from the top‐of‐the‐ballot mayoral contest) among black and white voters across Memphis City Council elections, from 1967 through 2003. Results. The level of voter roll‐off among racial groups is sensitive to the racial aspect of political change. Black voters are most likely to continue to vote in council contests when there is a racial choice among candidates, when blacks have previously been elected, and when blacks occupy the mayoralty and a majority of council seats. Whites are most likely to vote in racially competitive council contests, as well as when there are a large number of white candidates, and when whites hold a majority of the council seats. Conclusions. In settings such as Memphis, where race has played a pronounced historic role, the racial context of political empowerment has a strong influence on electoral participation. Elections below the top‐of‐the‐ballot become more salient, and political efficacy grows among racial group members when that cohort occupies institutional positions, particularly the majority of positions in a governing institution.     

Black Voters,Black Candidates,and Social Issues: Does Party Identification Matter?*

Objective. Much is known about voting behavior generally; less is known about voting behavior of African Americans in particular due in part to the overwhelming support of black voters for Democratic candidates. However, some argue that black conservatism on social issues could lead to more Republican voting. Methods. We test this question with a set of data on black voting behavior in a 2004 congressional race where two black candidates ran against each other. We thus hold race of candidate constant and look at the influence of social issues and party identification on black vote choice. Results. We find evidence to suggest that evangelicalism and support for the war in Iraq is related to being Republican, but that Democratic Party identification plays the dominant role in black voter decision making. Conclusions. Black conservatism on at least certain social issues is real and has the potential to influence vote choice, but the influence of Democratic Party allegiance is still a very powerful cue for black voters.     

Disentangling Constituency and Legislator Effects in Legislative Representation: Black Legislators or Black Districts?*

Objective. Does the race of a legislator or does the black population of a district best predict legislative roll‐call voting in the interests of African Americans? Due to methodological limitations, no prior study has found that both the race of the legislator and the black district population are significant predictors of congressional roll‐call voting. Drawing on post Shaw v. Reno/Miller v. Johnson congressional districts (with greater data variance), I examine the effect of these two racial representation variables on roll‐call voting in the 104th–106th Congresses. Methods. Linear regression with random effects is employed in two statistical models. Results. Even when the black district population and party are considered, the presence of an African‐American legislator leads to greater substantive representation of black constituents. Conclusion. Districting plans that maximize the election of black legislators and Democrats are the most important for the aggregate enhancement of liberal voting in Congress, while districting plans that maximize black district populations and Democrats are the most important for the aggregate enhancement of civil rights voting records in Congress.     

Social Exclusion and Poverty: Translating Social Capital into Accessible Resources

This article investigates the dynamic multi‐dimensional processes through which the poor become excluded from social participation. Drawing on social capital literature, it traces how bridging and bonding capital do not always translate into expected levels of social participation. It does so by detailing research findings from low income focus groups undertaken in Dunedin, New Zealand. These describe the experiences of group members in attempting to manage connections around employment, their own broader social participation or the participation of their children. In each case, the study highlights the difficulties of translation they experienced: in particular, translating available bridging or bonding capital into useful social, cultural or economic resources which could mitigate their social exclusion or enable fuller social participation.     

Distance,Turnout, and the Convenience of Voting*

Objectives. This research examines how distance factors into the costs associated with political participation. We hypothesize that the political geography of a voter's residence affects not only the likelihood that he or she will vote, but whether the voter will choose between traditional Election Day voting or nontraditional means, such as casting an absentee ballot by mail, or going to an early‐voting site. Methods. Using a geographic information system (GIS), we calculate Manhattan‐block distances between voter residences and their respective precinct and nearest early‐voting sites in Clark County, NV for the 2002 mid‐term election. We then use these calculated distances to predict, with multinomial logistic regression, the likelihood of nonvoting, precinct voting, and nontraditional voting. Results. Our evidence suggests that the cost of traveling to reach a traditional voting site is associated with nonvoting to a point, but the relationship between distance and participation is nonlinear. Distance to traditional voting sites is also highly associated with choosing to vote by mail. Would‐be nonvoters are more inclined to use proximate election‐day sites than proximate early‐voting sites, probably because they decide to vote so late in the campaign. Conclusions. Our findings have important implications for democratic theory, ongoing efforts to reform the electoral process, and the practice of voter mobilization.     

Ideology,Diversity, and Imprisonment: Considering the Influence of Local Politics on Racial and Ethnic Minority Incarceration Rates*

Objective. To test the influence of local (county) politics on minority incarceration rates. Methods. Data are collected at the county level in California to create a pooled cross‐sectional data set. OLS regression models predicting black, Hispanic, and white incarceration rates (in state prison) are used in the analysis. Results. Counties' ideological orientations and racial and ethnic contextual characteristics significantly impact minority incarceration rates. Greater ideological conservatism within counties is associated with higher rates (as a proportion of their population) of both black and Hispanic incarceration. Consistent with racial threat theory, results show counties with greater racial and ethnic diversity are more likely to incarcerate blacks and Hispanics. Tests for interaction effects indicate that greater county diversity decreases the punitive effects of ideological conservatism on minority incarceration. Conclusion. Political forces nested within states systematically shape how state government incarceration power is distributed across different racial and ethnic groups.     

Investing in Community Participation to Receive Social Support

ABSTRACT

According to the investment theory of social capital, the investment of valuable resources in social activity leads to the reception of social support. This theory is applied in examining the contribution of community participation to expected social capital. A survey of 1,523 mothers in low-income neighborhoods of Hong Kong, China, suggests that community participation was not generally conducive to expected social support. However, community participation tended to contribute to expected social support when coupled with family resources such as the employment and income of the mother and her partner.     

Language Choice,Residential Stability,and Voting Among Latino Americans*

Objective. Students of political behavior have often found that the primary use of languages other than English impedes many forms of political participation in the United States. We develop expectations about how language choice operates with social context to influence an individual's decision to vote. Although choosing to speak a language other than English—in this case, Spanish—may affect the amount of political information individuals have at their disposal, this choice also represents their access to social and community resources that enable, rather than impede, political participation. Methods. We examine the voting behavior of Latinos, almost entirely Mexican Americans, living in south Texas counties on the U.S. border and reconsider the consequences of language choice for political behavior. Results. Controlling for past residential tenure, we find that Spanish‐speaking Latinos will be more likely to vote than English‐speaking Latinos. Conclusions. The establishment of ties to an ethnic group in a majority‐minority context over time mitigates the negative relationship between the use of Spanish as a primary language and voting.     

Fertility control: values,beliefs, and behaviors

The author hypothesizes that any group that is isolated from participation in social, economic, and political affairs is likely to be characterized by a high degree of apathy, fatalism and hopelessness. Even more deleterious to understanding "out groups" is the fairly widespread habit of judging a minority group by the actions of a minority of the minority. Certain vital statistics of the white and the Negro races are discussed. (These include income, education, illegitimacy, etc.). The author contends that one of the unfortunate aspects of many studies dealing with the communication between the husband and the wife, is the fact that personal characteristics are emphasized rather than an understanding of the social situation in which the poor live.     

Can the minimum living standard guarantee scheme enable the poor to escape the poverty trap in rural China?

The rural Minimum Living Standard Guarantee (Dibao) Scheme is the most important social assistance programme in rural China. However, how the rural Dibao programme affects household expenditures and whether it can enable the poor to escape the poverty trap are questions that remain largely unexplored. This study used data from the 2012 Rural Household Survey in China to investigate the impact of the rural Dibao programme on household expenditures. We found that the programme significantly improved the well‐being of low‐income households. Particularly, the programme significantly increased household expenditures on housing, education and health; furthermore, the impact was greater for households with educated household heads. However, the programme did not significantly affect household expenditures on food, transportation or farming inputs. The results imply that participation in the rural Dibao programme induces household investment in human capital, which could help to break the inter‐generational transmission of poverty and raise long‐run welfare.     

Smaller Isn't Always Better: School Size and School Participation Among Young People*

Objective. Although political scientists studying the role of schools on political socialization have focused most of their efforts on curriculum, mainly civic education, education scholars have long recognized that schools influence outcomes through much more than curriculum and have examined school organization extensively, including school size. Much of the recent literature on school size supports smaller schools. The objective of this article is to examine the effect of school size on two political socialization outcomes: adolescent participation in school activities and volunteering. These outcomes are important because they are related to later adult participation. Method. A nationwide survey is used to conduct regression analyses as the primary method. Results. The results show limited support for smaller schools, even for those groups who are believed to benefit most significantly from small schools: racial minorities, low‐income students, and underachievers. Conclusion. I conclude with an appeal for caution among education reformers seeking to downsize schools and a recommendation to political socialization scholars to expand their analyses beyond civic education curriculum.