首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
相似文献
 共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 46 毫秒
1.
This article uses a case study of the Niagara Movement, which functioned from 1905–1910, to demonstrate that the use of prosopography (collective biographies) is a propitious methodological tool, particularly for those interested in the social-psychological analysis of movement actors within networks. I present a prosopography of the founders of the Niagara Movement. Learning more about the identity of political actors provides clues to the ways strategic choices are made and how collective action frames are developed. The prosopography of the Niagara Movement also provides theoretical insights into discursive processes that are often lost in studies of long movement trajectories. I analyze potential explanations for the absence of organizations such as the Niagara Movement from the civil rights canon, and, through an analysis of talk as a resource for mobilization, pinpoint directions for future researchers interested in micro theories of mobilization.  相似文献   

2.
Abstract This article explains how the contingent of complex interactions among pre-existing structural settings, institutional constraints, processes of regional and international transformative events, and uniquely combined developments within and between different contenders in the aftermath of the Second World War shaped Northern Ireland socio and political relations and thus instigated the Civil Rights Movement mobilization process. By re-introducing the time-space context into our studies of collective action, through a relational reading, my intent first is to advance our understanding of those episodes and complex patterns of interaction that give rise to social movements, and second to move beyond the static movement-centric approach explanation and away from the a-historical nature of much of the social movement literature. My historical-sociological research, into the longitudinal case study of the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Movement mobilization, involves secondary and new empirical primary sources, such as archival analysis, qualitative examination of Northern Ireland daily newspapers during the 1960s, and the collection of 35 semi-structured interviews with key players from the Civil Rights Movement.  相似文献   

3.
In this paper we examine the relationship between social movements and the police through an analysis of the Civil Rights Movement (CRM) which emerged in the late 1960s in Northern Ireland. Following della Porta (1995) and Melucci (1996) we argue that the way in which episodes of collective action are policed can affect profoundly both levels of mobilization and the orientation of social movements. We also submit that the symbolic and representational dimensions of policing can be a significant trigger in the stimulation of identification processes and collective action. The paper concludes by questioning some of the assumptions contained within social movement theory, and their applicability to divided societies such as Northern Ireland.  相似文献   

4.
1949--1977年,中国共产主义共青团在有计划地动员中经历了迅速增长、缓慢停滞和恢复发展三个阶段.团员人数从90万人增长到4700多万,这一组织也发展成为全国青年的组织核心和青年运动的领导核心。这一时期共青团青年动员的成功策略主要表现为动员政策、动员结构和动员方式三个方面。在计划经济和阶级斗争的社会氛围下,团员不仅是政治身份的标签,还是稀缺的政治资源,对青年有着极大的吸引力。共青团通过建立从中央到基层、层次分明、覆盖全国的动员结构,结成了完善的动员网络;通过采用自上而下的政治宣传教育,保证了动员渠道的畅通和动员力的实现。  相似文献   

5.
Social activist and anarchist Emma Goldman purportedly said, “If I can't dance, it's not my revolution!” Although falsely attributed to Goldman, subsequent protesters later adopted the sentiment, such as London‐based activists Reclaim the Streets (RTS), and, more recently, Occupy Wall Street (OWS). Art and protest has a long history, ranging from the use of song in the Civil Rights Movement to the use of graffiti in the global movements of 1968 to the creative performances of activists in AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power (ACT UP) to the dramatic street performances and costumes in the Battle of Seattle of 1999. Existing literature illuminates how art shapes mobilization processes of social movement. This review demonstrates two major ways in which art shapes mobilization processes, specifically the communication and visibility of movements and the emotional work of movements. In addition, suggestions are made for future research at the intersection of art and social movements.  相似文献   

6.
Abstract In this article we explore the process of ‘contamination’ (namely cross‐fertilization) in the development of the Global Justice Movement in Italy during the 1990s. We focus on two specific organizational sectors of this movement: labour organizations and associations for solidarity with the global South. We concentrate on a stage of the protest cycle that has been overlooked in social movement studies, namely the emergence of mobilization after a period of latency, and shed light on the process through which individual and organizational networks actually facilitate mobilization and vice versa. The process of ‘contamination’ in action is presented as the combination of structural, cognitive and affective mechanisms. It operates through both individual and organizational networks that together facilitate logistic coordination, enable the emergence of tolerance and mutual trust and allow frame bridging and the transnationalization of identities.  相似文献   

7.
The Deliberative Democracy Handbook: Strategies for Effective Civic Engagement in the 21st Century, edited by John Gastil and Peter Levine. San Francisco: Jossey‐Bass, 2005. 336 pp., $36.00 cloth. Politics Is About Relationship: A Blueprint for the Citizens' Century, by Harold H. Saunders. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005. 242 pp., $35.00 cloth. Going Public: An Organizer's Guide to Citizen Action, by Michael Gecan. New York: Anchor, 2002. 224 pp., $12.00 paper. The Civic Renewal Movement: Community‐Building and Democracy in the United States, by Carmen Sirianni and Lewis A. Friedland. Dayton, Ohio: Kettering Foundation Press, 2005. 260 pp., $9.95 paper.  相似文献   

8.
The history of racism in the United States has produced a paradox in social movement literature: blackness shaped the character and substance of black antiracist mobilization, but whiteness shapes most analysis of their efforts. Despite frequently using the black Civil Rights Movement for theory development and testing, leading theorists have yet to identify a specific theory of race undergirding their analysis or explaining how racism impacts the trajectory of antiracist social movements. Instead, theorists rely on common white-privileging notions of race that hinder analyses of black movements. I critically analyze political process theory (PPT) from a racial perspective, showing that the dominant critiques of PPT stem from PPT creators’ failure to critically theorize race while analyzing the Civil Rights Movement. Theorists implicitly adopted white-centered perspectives that ultimately undermined PPT’s development. I conclude with a call to simultaneously theorize collective action and the system of inequality with which a movement is engaged.  相似文献   

9.
This article develops an ecological theory that shifts the paradigm of professional mobilization from causes to relational spaces. It analyzes different species of activist professionals by locating them in an ecology of activism and examining how collective action emerges from their boundary work with the ecology's increasing density and consolidation. It empirically grounds the theory by explaining the political activism of Chinese lawyers in the early twenty‐first century and how it led to a government crackdown in 2015. Using interviews, online ethnography, and archival data collected from 2005 to 2017, the research demonstrates that Chinese lawyers’ political mobilization has experienced three stages: (1) vacancy and isolation (2000–2007), (2) spatial consolidation (2008–2011), and (3) boundary work (2011–2015). The study has implications for theories of social space and for understanding professional mobilization in authoritarian contexts and beyond.  相似文献   

10.
This article examines the formation and role of international networks formed by Chinese students living in the West in the late 1980s and early 1990s as part of their efforts to obtain the right to remain in Western countries in the immediate aftermath of the Tiananmen Square violence of June 4, 1989. Various forms of migrant social networks have been a research focus in international refugee and migration studies, but international networks formed by asylum seekers themselves, and their role in asylum‐seeking processes, have been largely ignored. This article is based on a multi‐method comparative study of Chinese students living in Australia and the United States at the time. Their experience provides data for examining and conceptualizing the role of organized international asylum‐seeker networks in the asylum‐seeking process. The analysis focuses on Chinese student lobbying in 1989, led by an independent Chinese student union, which helped “the Pelosi Bill” to be passed by the U.S. Congress. The main strategies adopted by Chinese students in the United States and Australia, as well as their internationally coordinated actions, are compared. Also examined is the role of two politicized international Chinese student organizations, the Chinese Alliance for Democracy and the Federation for Democratic China, in assisting students with obtaining residence.  相似文献   

11.
This paper addresses how New York City's workfare program has structured opportunities for collective action by welfare recipients. As workfare blurs the distinction between wage workers and welfare recipients, it calls into question accepted understandings of the rights and obligations of welfare recipients and fosters new claims on the state. The concept of "cultural opportunity structures" can help to explain the political mobilization of workfare participants if it is linked to a Durkheimian tradition of cultural analysis attentive to symbolic classification. The dramaturgic approach to culture exemplified in the work of Erving Goffman can usefully complement this structural approach if a narrow focus on frames and framing processes is broadened to include interaction rituals and ceremonial profanation.  相似文献   

12.
Free social spaces have long been emphasized in the social movement literature. Under names such as safe spaces, social havens, and counterpublics, they have been characterized as protective shelters against prevailing hegemonic ideologies and as hubs for the diffusion of ideas and ideologies. However, the vast literature on these spaces has predominantly focused on internal dynamics and processes, thus neglecting how they relate to the diffusion of collective mobilization. Inspired by formal modeling in collective action research, we develop a network model to investigate how the structural properties of free social spaces impact the diffusion of collective mobilization. Our results show that the assumption of clustering is enough for structural effects to emerge, and that clustering furthermore interacts synergistically with political deviance. This indicates that it is not only internal dynamics that play a role in the relevance of free social spaces for collective action. Our approach also illustrates how formal modeling can deepen our understanding of diffusion processes in collective mobilizations through analysis of emergent structural effects.  相似文献   

13.
We explore how the Chinese diaspora state during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 managed to transform a severe health crisis into a geo-political opportunity for transnational nation-building through diaspora governance based on extensive use of social media technologies. By adopting a multi-scalar perspective, we analyse the intertwined nature of top-down and bottom-up processes of the Chinese Party-state's diaspora mobilization. Based on discourse and ethnographic analysis, we argue that China's diaspora governance exposed a new and strong capacity for extra-territorial governance. We explore how discursive hegemony, social control and diaspora mobilization were achieved by widely employing the Chinese social media application, WeChat. We also contend that this was facilitated by the Italian government's and media's pro-China attitudes to emphasize the importance of considering transnational embeddedness when studying the implementation and impact of interactive online technology for diaspora governance in an illiberal political context.  相似文献   

14.
Using a modified resource mobilization perspective this article introduces hypotheses concerning the motivation for the development of countermovements. The anti-ERA Movement is used as a case study to explore the theoretical model of countermovements and constitutional change that is proposed.  相似文献   

15.
Despite longstanding traditions of tolerance, inclusion, and democracy in the USA, dissident citizens and social movements have experienced significant and sustained – although often subtle and difficult-to-observe – repression. Using mechanism-based social movement theory, I explore a range of twentieth-century episodes of contention, involving such groups as mid-century communists, the Black Panther Party, the American Indian Movement, and the modern-day Global Justice Movement. Cracking open the black box of state repression, I demonstrate how four interactive social mechanisms – Resource Depletion, Stigmatization, Divisive Disruption, and Intimidation – animate state repression. A fifth mechanism – Emulation – diffuses the effects of these four Mechanisms of Repression. First I delineate a typology of state actions that suppress dissent. Then I shift analytically from these ten actions to the Mechanisms of Repression, explaining how these mechanisms work. Drawing on scholarship from an array of fields, and pulling data from a variety of sources, I explain how the state has engaged in activity that – operating through social mechanisms – inhibits collective action, either through raising the costs or minimizing the benefits of mobilization.  相似文献   

16.
A rich literature examines how information spreads through social networks to influence life opportunities. However, receiving information does not guarantee its use in decision making. This article analyzes information evaluation as a fundamental component of social network mobilization. The case of school choice, where the value of information may be more uncertain, brings this evaluative dimension to the forefront. Interviews with 55 parents in Boston show how parents selecting schools assess their social network ties as information sources, privileging information from those they perceive to have affinity and authority. These evaluative criteria map onto disparate networks to engender unequal mobilization of this information. The findings illuminate mechanisms sustaining inequality in social network mobilization and reorient scholars to consider processes underlying information use alongside information diffusion to attain a more complete understanding of how network resources are mobilized in action.  相似文献   

17.
Using the framing process of "partial-birth" abortion (PBA) as an exemplifying case, this paper proposes a dialogic model of framing in which meaning is created and recreated through an iterative, discursive process. Materials developed by six social movement organizations that lead the PBA framing process were analyzed to chronicle the evolution of the PBA frame, as well as factors that influenced this evolution. Movement and countermovement actors attempted to imbue PBA with meaning in such a manner as to motivate and direct action to support their overarching political goals. Rather than two distinct parallel frames battling against each other, this process is better conceptualized as the evolution of a single frame, created in interaction with the framing of one's opponents. A dialectic model of framing provides a framework for examining the process by which cultural meanings are contested and how these meanings are transformed through collective action. Such a model also potentially expands the definition of successful frame and better illuminates the symbiotic relationship between movements and countermovements actors.  相似文献   

18.
On the basis of documents and in-depth interviews with 80 residents of Oak Ridge, Tennessee, we analyzed the lack of collective mobilization against documented environmental problems. Collective identity is a central concept in new social movement theory and is seen as a major determinant of collective action. We borrowed the concept but examined the converse. Individual activism has consistently emerged in Oak Ridge without the development of the collective processes that mark mobilization. We examined the establishment of a special collective identity for the community in Oak Ridge, then analyzed the role of collective identity in the suppression of health grievances through heightened saliency, consciousness, and opposition to activism.  相似文献   

19.
BOOK REVIEWS     
《Sociological inquiry》1997,67(3):380-393
The Anatomy of Prejudices , by Elisabeth Young-Bruehl
Against Capital Punishment: The Anti-Death Penalty Movement in America, 1972–1994 , by Herbert H. Haines
Between Facts and Norms: Contributions to a Discourse Theory of Law and Democracy , by Jiirgen Habermas, translated by William Rehg
Middle Class Dreams: The Politics and Power of the New American Majority , revised edition, by Stanley B. Greenberg
Rise of the New York Skyscraper, 1865–1913 , by Sarah Bradford Landau and Carl W. Condit
Sign Wars: The Cluttered Landscape of Advertising , by Robert Goldman and Stephen Papson
Mass Hate: The Global Rise of Genocide and Terror , by Neil J. Kressel  相似文献   

20.
This review essay discusses and compares three books that cover aspects of political contention and social movements. The books are Freedom is an Endless Meeting: Democracy in American Social Movements by Francesca Polletta (Chicago: The University of Chicago, 2002); Making Sense of Social Movements by Nick Crossley (Buckingham: Open University Press, 2002); and Methods of Social Movement Research, edited by Bert Klandermans and Suzanne Staggenborg (Minneapolis: The University of Minnesota Press, 2002).  相似文献   

设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号