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1.
Part of the welfare mix: The third sector as an intermediate area   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
This article presents a conceptional framework which analyses the third sector as a part of a mixed welfare system, otherwise made up of the market, the state and the informal private household spheres. From this perspective, the third sector appears as a dimension of the public space in civil societies: an intermediate area rather than a clear-cut sector. Third sector organisations are understood as polyvalent organisations whose social and political roles can be as important as their economic ones; they are portrayed as hybrids, intermeshing resources and rationales from different sectors. In present policies of ‘welfare pluralism’ the emphasis is consequently more on ‘synergetic’ mixes of resources and rationales than on mere issues of substitution processes between different sectors of provision. The last section discusses the potential distinguishing features of such policies with respect to ‘pluralist’ approaches which try to safeguard the conventional hierarchies in a mixed economy of welfare. This paper draws in part on the author's introduction to Evers and Svetlik (1993).  相似文献   

2.
Over a decade has passed since the dissolution of the Soviet Union. This major political change has had profound effects on how social welfare is delivered in countries in transition from communism. Using material derived from the author's involvement in social work education projects in Ukraine, this article examines the changing relationship between statutory social welfare provider agencies and the burgeoning voluntary sector. A confusing and rapidly changing picture has emerged. Some prominent themes likely to shape future directions are identified, particularly the imperative to ensure that social work education continues to be sensitive to local political and cultural contexts, rather than relying on importing Western solutions.  相似文献   

3.
The social, cultural and political activities of non-profit organisations in Argentina have a long history. They existed prior to the creation of the nation state. With a very strong religious influence, they expanded throughout the nineteenth century. National state provision of collective goods only started to develop at the end of the nineteenth century as a result of what Salamon (1987) has referred to as ‘voluntary failure’. The social, political and economic changes that have taken place in Argentina during the last decade had not only had an impact on non-profit organisations, but also on the traditional roles and responsibilities in the development of the state, the market and civil society. The political democratisation which started in 1983, along with the economic stability of the 1990s, were the two most relevant factors to affect non-profit organisations. The new social movements which had emerged during the previous decade (1976–1983) tended to disappear, leaving behind a wide array of organisations concerned with youth, women, human rights and neighbourhoods. With a focus on poverty issues, several state agencies now prioritise new strategies and mechanisms which involve the participation of civil society in social policies. The extent to which these will develop, how large the resources devoted to these programmes will be, and what kinds of controls over NGOs the state will implement are some of the main topics which will demand close attention.  相似文献   

4.
This paper considers the development of voluntary action in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. Drawing on research conducted during 2002–2003 at the Centre for Voluntary Action Studies at the University of Ulster and funded by the Royal Irish Academy, it is argued that the way that voluntary and community organizations developed in Ireland’s two jurisdictions after the partition of the island in 1922 illuminates debates on the role of states in structuring the civic space in which voluntary action occurs. It illustrates, in particular, the interaction of state policy drivers with the cultural and ideological forces that shape voluntary action. Analysis lends support to the view that state action, together with cultural trends and social capital resources, is the crucial determinant of how the voluntary sector develops in a jurisdiction.  相似文献   

5.
Organizational institutionalism has shown how institutional entrepreneurs can introduce new logics into fields and push for their broader acceptance. In academic science in the United States, however, market logic gained strength without such an entrepreneurial project. This article proposes an alternative “practice selection” model to explain how a new institutional logic can gain strength when local innovations interact with changes outside the field. Actors within a field are always experimenting with practices grounded in a variety of logics. When one logic is dominant, innovations based on alternative logics may have trouble gaining the resources they need to become more broadly institutionalized. But if a changing environment starts systematically to favor practices based on an alternative logic, that logic can become stronger even in the absence of a coherent project to promote it. This is what happened in US academic science, as growing political concern with the economic impact of innovation changed the field’s environment in ways that encouraged the spread of local market-logic practices.  相似文献   

6.
At a time of rapid social, political and economic change in Britain, voluntary and community groups are being encouraged to assume a more prominent role in general welfare provision. Accordingly, their need to know has never been more acute. Yet the information environment of the voluntary sector is also in a state of flux and transition. Profound changes in the institutional world of information provision hold significant implications for the way voluntary and community groups seek and disseminate information. In this paper these structural changes are outlined and the findings presented of an extensive investigation into information needs and usage in the voluntary sector.  相似文献   

7.
The UK has, over recent years, moved from a welfare state to a more market-oriented system of welfare. But the extent of this change has varied considerably according to the ideological position of local government in different parts of the country. This makes it possible within one country to assess the implications for the voluntary sector of different models of welfare. This article develops a framework for looking at different welfare ideologies and the values they espouse, with reference both to the UK and to the models that exist in other countries. It then takes four examples of UK local authorities which demonstrate the different models and examines the implications for the voluntary sector. In doing so, it examines the prospects for the voluntary sector to deliver both service and political pluralism in the future.  相似文献   

8.
Voluntary associations have long been held in distrust in France, but things have changed recently. Associations are now said to develop tolerance, civic and democratic virtues, political sophistication and so on. Nevertheless, few studies focus on the interactions that actually take place in the associational context in order to demonstrate these relations. In this essay we focus on voluntary associations of migrants and we ask whether they are schools of democracy and places of politicization. We then study individual careers in order to identify the consequences of such a context for individuals. We work on three voluntary associations of young people mainly from North Africa, dealing with social action and leisure.  相似文献   

9.
This research note presents several comparative theses on the historical development of voluntary and non-profit welfare associations in Germany and the United States. The major argument is that voluntary and non-profit associations in both countries share one common root: the secularisation and socio-political consequences of the enlightenment. However, voluntary welfare associations in Germany and the United States have developed along radically different lines, due to their distinct political embeddedness in society. Following periods of divergence in which the German voluntary action emphasised state orientation, and its American counterpart market orientation, the two countries have entered a new period of convergence.This paper emanates from an ongoing project at the University of Bremen, which analyses the history of social welfare in the city of Bremen. In 1989, as senior fellow in philanthropy at the Institute for Policy Studies of the Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore, Maryland, I explored the private social welfare system in the United States, in particular comparing the results of former research on Germany with my studies in the United States. I am indebted to Kathleen D. McCarthy (New York), Helmut K. Anheier (Vienna/New Brunswick), Juergen Blandow (Bremen), Lester M. Salamon (Baltimore), Jon Van Til (Camden), Stanley Wenocur (Baltimore), and Manfred M. Wambach (Bremen) for their advice and encouragement. Grants from the Research Commission of the University of Bremen, the Fellowship in Philanthropy Programme of the Institute for Policy Studies, and the German Marshall Fund of the United States are gratefully acknowledged.  相似文献   

10.
The erosion of citizenship   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
The Marshallian paradigm of social citizenship has been eroded because the social and economic conditions that supported postwar British welfare consensus have been transformed by economic and technological change. This article argues that effective entitlement was based on participation in work, war and reproduction, resulting in three types of social identity: worker-citizens, warrior-citizens and parent-citizens. The casualization of labour and the technological development of war have eroded work and war as routes to active citizenship. Social participation through reproduction remains important, despite massive changes to marriage and family as institutions. In fact the growth of new reproductive technologies have reinforced the normative dominance of marriage as a social relation. These rights of reproduction are described as 'reproductive citizenship'. The article also considers the role of voluntary associations in Third-Way strategies as sources of social cohesion in societies where social capital is in decline, and argues that the voluntary sector is increasingly driven by an economic logic of accumulation. With the erosion of national citizenship, Marshall's three forms of rights (legal, political and social) have been augmented by rights that are global, namely environmental, aboriginal and cultural rights. These are driven by global concerns about the relationship between environment, community and body such that the quest for social security has been replaced by concerns for ontological security.  相似文献   

11.
Voluntary associations have long been held in distrust in France, but things have changed recently. Associations are now said to develop tolerance, civic and democratic virtues, political sophistication and so on. Nevertheless, few studies focus on the interactions that actually take place in the associational context in order to demonstrate these relations. In this essay we focus on voluntary associations of migrants and we ask whether they are schools of democracy and places of politicization. We then study individual careers in order to identify the consequences of such a context for individuals. We work on three voluntary associations of young people mainly from North Africa, dealing with social action and leisure.  相似文献   

12.
This article traces the history of Ford's involvement in population work in South Asia from the 1950s to the mid-1980s. The primary focus is on the transition from large-scale technical assistance programmes rooted in government and academe, to work with grass-roots women's groups and community-based non-governmental organisations (NGOs). In the process, the Foundation also moved from quantitative efforts designed primarily to distribute contraceptives, to a more holistic approach focusing on maternal and child health. The article concludes by relating these trends to a larger shift from a belief in the power of ‘disinterested expertise’ and university-based policymaking that marked the efforts of the major American foundations since the Progressive era, to a new emphasis on ‘self-interested expertise’ and grass-roots social activist and development NGOs that emerged in the 1970s. Changing development paradigms, political trends and a growing disillusionment with large-scale technical assistance all contributed to this transition.  相似文献   

13.
This paper responds to the ‘soft paternalist’ argument that the findings of behavioural economics make traditional objections to paternalism incoherent. We show that there is a normatively significant sense in which, even if individuals lack coherent preferences, competitive markets are efficient in providing them with opportunities to get what they want. Extending earlier analysis by Sugden, we model a multi-period ‘storage economy’ and explore the implications of dynamically inconsistent preferences. We show that, despite apparent conflicts of judgement between an individual’s ‘selves’, competitive markets provide maximal opportunity, and that they do so by facilitating voluntary exchanges between selves.  相似文献   

14.
A significant aspect of public policies in France is the decentralisation of the public sector and the increased importance of local voluntary associations to implement programmes and influence local political arenas. Subsidies to local associations are an important vehicle for the central government in managing its decentralisation policy. Based on a locality sample, data on subsidies to associations were collected in nearly 400 municipalities. Results show that the allocation of subsidies is highly uneven, and part of a complex network in which private non-profit services are linked to the services that were previously part of the public sector. Implications for the French non-profit sector and for the government's decentralisation policy are discussed.  相似文献   

15.
It is a widely accepted premise of mass society theory that voluntary associations play an important integrating role in modern society by mediating between the individual and the remote influences on life, work, and politics. There are two major variants of the mediation hypothesis: (1) purely social interaction within organizations lessens alienation in immediate relationships; (2) interaction accompanied by political exposures reduces alienation in the political domain. Controlling for social class, activity in instrumental, political groups is associated with significantly lower levels of political alienation. Activity in nonpolitical, social organizations is found to have more general attitudinal consequences—both for levels of social alienation and for estrangement from political processes. These patterns suggest that, despite the consistent effects of SES on nonalienative beliefs, voluntary associations provide independent settings of social and political integration.  相似文献   

16.
17.
Public good theories of the non-profit sector: Weisbrod revisited   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
Burton Weisbrod's 1975 article, Toward a theory of the voluntary non-profit sector in a three-sector economy, models non-profit organisations as suppliers of public goods which are undersupplied by government to heterogeneous populations. This article examines the implications, extensions and empirical tests of the Weisbrod theory. It also examines the theories of pure and impure altruism, the heterogeneity hypothesis, and the various ‘publicness’ indexes of non-profit output. The commonalities between the public good model and the trustworthiness model of non-profit organisations are also explored. He is also a Research Associate of the Mandel Center for Nonprofit Organizations at Case Western Reserve University.  相似文献   

18.
In recent years, there has been increasing awareness of the importance of formal measures of voting power and of the relevance of such measures to real life political issues. Nevertheless, existing measures have been criticized, especially because of their dependence on the unrealistic assumption that different coalitions have equal probabilities. In this paper we show that the classical problem of measuring voting power can be naturally embedded in information theory. This perspective on voting power allows us to extend measures of voting power to cases in which there are dependencies among voters. In doing so, we distinguish between two different notions of a given voter’s power—‘control’ and ‘informativeness’—corresponding, respectively, to the average uncertainty regarding the outcome of a vote that remains when all others have voted and the average uncertainty that is eliminated when only the given voter has voted. This distinction settles a number of well-known paradoxes and enables the study of voting power on the basis of actual political behavior at all levels.  相似文献   

19.
This paper focuses on recognizing the contribution made to development by grassroots women working on a voluntary basis in long term development projects. Using the example of healthcare, the paper problematizes the widespread move towards an increased reliance on voluntary and third sector provision. Drawing on literature around women’s community activism, the research considers the extent to which women carrying out health promotion work in Peru have taken on this role as more than “just voluntary work,” highlighting their long term commitment during more than a decade of health promotion activities. The paper develops debates around the professionalization of voluntary work, particularly considering the issue of economic remuneration for health promoters, and emphasizing the gendered nature of their voluntarism; concluding by questioning the sustainability of poor women’s long term, and largely unpaid, involvement as the linchpins of community development projects.
Katy JenkinsEmail:
  相似文献   

20.
Russia’s role in ‘animation’ of the Kyoto Protocol was crucial. Its initial vacillation on ratification was predominantly due to political bargaining with the EU. Domestic economic rationales [i.e. impacts of emission trading and Joint Implementation (JI) projects] were important to a much lesser extent and environmental motives did not seem to play any role in the decision. Since the Protocol entered into force, there have been significant delays in complete establishment of policy implementation frameworks, which are necessary for Russia to start benefiting from JI and emission trading. Only recently, in 2007, have GHG inventories and a national registry been established and the responsibilities for implementation of the Protocol and JI among the government departments have been distributed only to a certain extent. Some constraints hindering JI projects, such as vague legislation, an unfavourable economic climate, lack of commitment to JI projects, corruption, xenophobia, state and agency ‘capture’ still remain.   相似文献   

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