沙特君主制政权相对稳定的原国

沙特君主制政权相对稳定大抵有如下几个原因:沙特人注重血统、功名,习惯家族统治,构成沙特君主制的坚实政治、文化基础;沙特王权高举伊斯兰教旗帜,坚持以教治国,为民众所认同,并得到乌里玛的支持;政治联姻与世袭君主可择优遴选保证了沙特王权的社会基础宽阔;巨额石油收入加强了国防力量,缓解了内外矛盾;政治改革不断地缓解了各种社会矛盾.     

沙特王族君主制的伊斯兰性——沙特阿拉伯君主制的伊斯兰性刍论之一

伊斯兰教作为具有明显政治功能的宗教,对素有“伊斯兰世界盟主”之称的沙特阿拉伯王国的影响深远而广泛,其典型意义莫过于对沙特君主制度的影响和制约.沙特君主制度从产生之日起就有着明显的伊斯兰特性,并保持到现在,这一特性保证了沙特政策的连续性及政权的稳定性,成为现代沙特的立国之本.本文试从以沙特家族为核心的世俗权力和以乌里玛阶层为代表的宗教神权两方面作一探讨.一、历史渊源沙特君主制的伊斯兰性有很深的历史渊源.沙特是伊斯兰教的诞生地和摇篮,是麦加和麦地那两大伊斯兰圣城的所在地.从18世纪中叶开始,在沙特兴起了著名的伊斯兰复兴改革运动——瓦哈比运动,即1744年沙特家族的穆罕默德·本·沙特同瓦哈比运动的倡导者穆罕默德·本·阿卜杜·瓦哈比达成协议,沙特家族为瓦哈比主义提供保护和支持,瓦哈比主义则为沙特家族的统治和扩张提供合法性,结成著名的宗教政治联盟.1793年瓦哈比去世后,阿卜杜勒·阿齐兹继承教长职位,从此瓦哈比派的教长一直由沙特家族的领袖担     

沙特的瓦哈比主义

瓦哈比主义是300年前由穆罕默德·本·阿卜杜·瓦哈卜谢赫创立的一种伊斯兰法学主张和理论.德尔伊亚埃米尔穆罕默德·本·沙特和阿卜杜·瓦哈卜谢赫建立政教联盟后,积极开展了旨在伊斯兰教改良的瓦哈比运动,最终导致了沙特阿拉伯王国的建立和发展.在现代沙特的社会发展中,瓦哈比主义为保持沙特政教合一的伊斯兰君主制,维护沙特王室的政治地位发挥了重要作用.沙特的瓦哈比主义决不是任何意义上的恐怖主义.     

沙特阿拉伯反政府活动的特点及其失败原因

沙特阿拉伯是一个政教合一的君主制国家,伊斯兰教为国教,《古兰经》是衡量社会、政治、经济生活等一切领域的标准,以至沙特在1945年加入联合国时拒绝在《人权全体宣言》上签字。国王既是政治领袖,又是教权首脑,有至高无上的权力。他通过以沙特家族为核心的王室贵族阶层与宗教权威结成联盟来实行其君主统治。在这样的国度里,没有宪法(《古兰经》就是其宪法),禁止任何政党或政治反对派存在,不允许任何可能危及王室家族及君主权力的宣传和新闻报道。但是,这并不意味着在沙特没有反对派存在及反政府的活动。相反,由于种种原因沙特的反政府活动一度非常活跃,令统治者感到不安,不得不采取一些灵活的政策,以巩固其统治。本文拟就沙特反政府活动的特点及其失败的原因作一简单分析。     

沙特的瓦哈比主义

瓦哈比主义是300年前由穆罕默德·本·阿卜杜·瓦哈卜谢赫创立的一种伊斯兰法学主张和理论。德尔伊亚埃米尔穆罕默德·本·沙特和阿卜杜·瓦哈卜谢赫建立政教联盟后,积极开展了旨在伊斯兰教改良的瓦哈比运动,最终导致了沙特阿拉伯王国的建立和发展。在现代沙特的社会发展中,瓦哈比主义为保持沙特政教合一的伊斯兰君主制,维护沙特王室的政治地位发挥了重要作用。沙特的瓦哈比主义决不是任何意义上的恐怖主义。     

费萨尔改革与沙特阿拉伯王国现代化

20世纪沙特阿拉伯经历了从传统游牧国家向石油工业国家的转变。伊本?沙特旨在开辟财源和强化王室统治的措施客观上促进了沙特王国经济和社会的进步。通过自上而下的费萨尔改革,国家资本主义成为占主导地位的经济形态,劳动力自由化程度提高,知识分子精英茁壮成长,国家政治机构逐步健全。费萨尔改革是一次全面的经济、社会及政治改革,它标志着沙特王国现代化的发展进入了实质性的阶段。石油能源所提供的物质保障以及维护伊斯兰君主制的目标是沙特王国现代化模式的重要特点。     

沙特阿拉伯妇女地位的演变

妇女问题在沙特阿拉伯社会政治生活中占有非同寻常的位置。可以说,妇女地位是沙特社会现代化发展一个标志。在阿拉伯乃至整个穆斯林世界,沙特阿拉伯妇女所受的社会约束可谓最多。伊期兰教产生以前,阿拉伯妇女主要受部落习俗约束,地位很低。伊斯兰教创立以后,在某些方面提高     

摩洛哥阿拉维君主制统治合法性分析

本文从历史与传统、现代与理性、宗教以及国王个人魅力等四个方面分析了1956年独立后摩洛哥阿拉维君主制统治合法性的基础和来源。作者指出，摩洛哥阿拉维君主制的统治反映了韦伯关于合法统治的三种类型，即合理型、传统型和魅力型，其中，传统型占主导地位并与伊斯兰教紧密相连。迄今，宗教神圣的合法性体现了阿拉维君主制所有统治合法性学说的本质，然而其神圣性也遭到了质疑和挑战。     

沙特外交政策转向中的家族政治动因

自2015年萨勒曼国王上台以来,沙特一改往日居中调停的稳健外交形象,在中东地区发动了一系列外交和军事攻势。与此同时,沙特王室家族内部的政治争斗迭起。作为绝对君主制国家,沙特对外政策的制定受到内外多重因素的影响。萨勒曼政权对外政策制定与王室政治的关系突出表现为,沙特家族内部的权力博弈导致执政者倾向于通过采取进攻性对外政策来转移内部压力并攫取更多权力。从历史来看,这种压力转移式集权策略并非毫无限制,而是受制于多重因素,特别是内部分裂程度与外界反应强弱的影响。     

伊斯兰教与中东民族国家构建

公元7世纪以后的中东政治深深地打上了伊斯兰教的烙印。在现代中东政治中,伊斯兰教构成了影响中东民族国家构建的重要因素之一,但由于两者间存在的不协调,使伊斯兰教对中东民族国家构建的积极与消极影响并存。这一特性在沙特阿拉伯的民族国家构建进程中得到了集中体现,伊斯兰教在塑造沙特国家的同时,也在一定程度上造成了沙特现代民族国家构建的滞后。造成这种局面的根源既有历史传统的影响,也与伊斯兰教的某些内生性特征与社会发展不适应密切相关。     

沙特政策调整及我应对政策

“9·11”后,沙美关系出现逆转。目前,沙特在内外压力下,决心实行自我改革计划。但保守的宗教阶层坚持伊斯兰化,反对变革;一些在阿富汗、伊战后潜伏在沙特的极端分子频频制造恐怖爆炸案,旨在动摇和推翻沙特王室统治。为化解冲击,纾缓压力,沙特在调整内外政策,除采取渐进式改革方式外,其外交多元化势头和“东向”趋势也较明显,对我需求和借重有所上升。我应认真研究沙特有关政策的变化动向,抓住机遇,推动中、沙关系向纵深发展。     

The Decline of Monarchy in Nepal,the Ascendancy of the Professional Middle Class and the Event that Transformed Them

In the years leading up to the dissolution of absolute monarchy in Nepal in 1990, resistance to political authority proceeded fitfully. Opposition to the crown gained momentum after the involvement of the professional middle class. Using Max Weber's theory on legitimate power and class, this paper analyzes the erosion of the legitimacy of absolute monarchy, the ascendancy of the professional middle class, and how one event, a peaceful forum that ended in mass arrest, created momentum for the People's Movement by transforming the political subjectivity of the professional middle class, who, in turn, helped catalyze opposition to absolute rule.     

论沙特影响力：从《非斯宣言》到《贝鲁特宣言》

沙特是阿拉伯人的摇篮和伊斯兰教的发祥地。无论在冷战时期还是后冷战时代，沙特一直是中东地区的温和派国家。虽然没有像伊朗、伊拉克、土耳其、埃及、以色列那样拥有强大军事力量，沙特却凭借自身的实力阿拉伯活跃在国际政治舞台上，并深深影响着中东政治格局的发展，是中东政治舞台上不可或缺的重要角色。沙特力排众议，从非斯首脑会议到《贝鲁特宣言》、《利雅得宣言》，彰显出沙特作为地区大国的巨大影响力。     

Monarchy,Gender and Emancipation: Grand Duchess Elena Pavlovna of Russia and Princess Isabel of Brazil and the Ending of Servile Labour

This article examines the long-neglected role of two royal women in the emancipation of servile labour in the empires of Russia and Brazil. It argues that the Grand Duchess Elena Pavlovna of Russia and Princess Isabel of Brazil were significant actors in the emancipation process. Gender, monarchy and emancipation created a conjuncture which enabled these women, in spite of all the obstacles, to enter into the struggle for emancipation and make a material difference to its outcome. The article emphasizes the importance of the monarchical systems in the emancipation struggle which these women used to further the cause of emancipation.     

The political process of the revolutionary samurai: a comparative reconsideration of Japan’s Meiji Restoration

In the 1860s and 1870s, the feudal monarchy of the Tokugawa shogunate, which had ruled Japan for over two centuries, was overthrown, and the entire political order it had commanded was dismantled. This immense political transformation, comparable in its results to the great social revolutions of the seventeenth through nineteenth centuries in the West, was distinctive for lacking a major role for mass political mobilization. Since popular political action was decisive elsewhere for both providing the force for social revolutions to defeat old regimes and for pushing revolutionary leaders to more radical policies, the Meiji Restoration’s combination of revolutionary outcomes with conservative personnel and means is puzzling. This article argues that previous accounts fail to explain why a group of relatively low-status samurai—administrative functionaries with some hereditary political privileges but in fact little secure power within the old regime—was able to overcome far more deeply entrenched political actors. To explain this, it is necessary to distinguish clearly between two political processes: the long-standing political relations of feudal monarchy and magnate lords and the unprecedented emergence of independent samurai political action and organizations cutting across domain boundaries. It was the interaction of these two processes that produced the overthrow of the Tokugawa and enabled the revolutionary outcomes that followed it. This article’s revised explanation of the Meiji Restoration clearly places it within the same theoretical parameters as the major revolutions of the seventeenth century and later.     

Paths to Democracy and Authoritarianism in Europe before World War One

This article offers a novel explanation of why some European democracies survived while others collapsed in pre-WWII Europe, describing historical paths which ended with establishment of either self-sustainable democracies or non-democratic regimes in the interwar period. The historical path to self-sustaining democracy began with the emergence, in the nineteenth century, of constitutional monarchies with executive power responsible to the monarch and freely elected legislatures. Such polities, without exception, became self-sustaining democracies unless the transition was achieved through regime discontinuity (as in Germany in 1918). An intermediate stage in this historical process consisted of development, in some countries, of competitive oligarchy as a transitional stage between the constitutional monarchy and democracy. If a country's political history did not follow the above-mentioned path, its initial democracy was susceptible to breakdown. This pertained to countries which transitioned directly to democracy or competitive oligarchy from absolute monarchy or other regimes lacking open-outcome elections.     

Cities and the state in Spain

Conclusions Leaving aside details and qualifications, the major turning point in relations between cities and the monarchy occurred during the second half of the sixteenth century. The cities paid a very high price for their initial support of the crown. The more the logic of imperial power took over, the less cities had any chance of developing on their own. Nonetheless, they never became simple toys in royal hands. At the beginning of the seventeenth century, as the power of Genoan financiers declined, the monarchy tried again to obtain the support of cities, which finally gave in - at a price. The most crucial price of all was the imposition on the crown of a fiscal system (the servicios de millones) that was even more favorable than the alcabala to the cities having votes in the Cortes. Furthermore, the millones placed severe restrictions on the monarch's use of the funds; from that point on, the monarch had to avert his eyes from the procedures the privileged cities used to collect the taxes that constituted his principal ordinary revenues.Unlike the French case, the Spanish experience, as seen from Castile, did not end with the complete submission of cities to the monarchy's expansive centralization. Yet we must recognize that the cities never tried to create a form of political organization that could have been a Castilian version of the urban republics. Formally the situation unfolded as a series of ritual confrontations in the Cortes, where each of the parties was well aware of its limits. With that balance of forces, any attempt to enhance state power the monarchy tried to initiate could only succeed with the approval of the cities.This series of intermediate barriers meant that the process by which communities became subject to statist royal power was halting and indirect. In addition, great administrative decisions became diluted when they entered the interlocked network formed by local urban authorities. Not until the first half of the eighteenth century, after the liquidation of Spain's imperial territories elsewhere in Europe, can we speak of the consolidation of an administrative monarchy, a true predecessor of what one day would become a Spanish state.     

欧盟与沙特阿拉伯王国的民主化进程

“9·11”后欧盟加大对沙特等海合会国家的关注力度，这对未来如何建立新型的西方与伊斯兰世界的关系有重要参考价值。欧盟推进沙特民主化进程的动机主要表现在四个方面：维护欧洲安全、促进沙特稳定、弘扬欧洲民主、抵消美国压力。欧盟主要从经贸领域着手，积极推进沙特更好地融入世界经济，此外，还辅以对其现行政治制度的宽容和对伊斯兰的理解与尊重。欧盟民主观建立在维护人权的基础上，其民主只是一种手段而非终极目标。在欧盟的间接影响下，沙特在地方选举、政府机构改革和发展、非暴力民间组织的诞生、妇女地位改善等方面有所推进。欧盟与沙特之间存在着良性互动。     

The dynamic transformation of political systems through social contract: a game theoretic approach

 We consider how the political system of the state evolves in the process of economic development. We present a dynamic public goods economy with non-overlapping generations, which confronts the free-rider problem without the state. In each generation, individuals enter under the unanimous rule a social contract of the political system, either monarchy or democracy, and then attempt to establish the state under the contracted political system. If the state is established, it provides public goods by enforcing tax on its members. Our game theoretic analysis shows: (i) the state can be established if and only if social productivity in terms of the capital stock of public goods is lower than a critical level; (ii) individuals choose democracy if social productivity is sufficiently high, while monarchy may be chosen if it is not; (iii) social productivity stochastically converges to the critical level over generations; and (iv) a simulation result shows several transformation patterns of political systems. Received: 21 June 1994/Accepted: 7 November 1995