中国特色社会主义政党制度的创造性价值研究

中国特色社会主义政党制度是符合中国国情的社会主义政党制度,是马克思主义基本原理同中国国情相结合的产物。中国共产党与各民主党派共同创立的这一政党制度的创造性价值在于,它开创了中国式协商民主的新局面,开创了新型政党关系学说,具有西方政党制度无可比拟的优势。     

以基层党建科学化推动社会管理创新——关于基层党组织服务群众与群众自我服务的关系思考

从地方党委和基层党组织层面来看,至少有三个词炙手可热：一是社会管理创新;二是创建服务型基层党组织;三是基层党建科学化。这三大任务繁重艰巨且十分紧迫。从已有的经验来看,三个领域各自的实践都丰富多彩。党的十八大提出要进行社会管理创新,以全面提高党的建设科学化水平为统领,建设服务型政党、创新型政党,实现基层党建创新。从这些新要求的相关性、基层党组织服务群众与群众自我服务的关系角度看,有三个方面对以基层党建科学化推动社会管理创新至关重要：一是深入研究服务型党组织建设与基层党建科学化的关系;二是以实行党代表提案制为平台,反映、整合人民群众的意愿和诉求;三是以社会管理创新的精神和理念推动基层党组织服务群众形式的多样化。     

政党政治视角下的政党与国家权力--兼及中国共产党领导的多党合作制度

政党政治具有重要的功能意义和价值意义.政党政治的核心问题是政党与国家权力的问题.沿着这一脉络,资本主义政党政治和社会主义政党政治呈现出截然不同的发展轨迹.中国共产党领导的多党合作制度是新型的适应我国国情的政党制度,它建构了我国政党与国家权力的基本法理关系,保障了全体人民的利益,具有鲜明的特点和巨大的优势.     

尊重党员主体地位是发展党内民主的现实路径

由中国共产党的性质所决定,党员是党组织的＂主人＂,是党的建设的主体和党内权力的源泉。尊重和保证党员在党内生活的主体地位,是党内民主建设的一个根本性问题。实践也证明,保证党员主体地位是党内民主的现实生长点,现阶段需要建立和完善党内民主制度和运行机制,为党员主体地位的落实和党内民主的持续性发展提供根本保障。     

Maori and the New Zealand values survey: The importance of research relationships

Abstract

Requirements for non‐Maori researchers to consult with Maori compete with “by Maori for Maori” research agendas. Nevertheless, Maori provide varying forms of consultation, with Maori perspectives rarely being entered into the literature. Following an invitation from the Centre for Social Health Outcomes Research and Evaluation (SHORE), members of the Whariki Research Group agreed to take a consultative role, providing Maori input into the New Zealand Values Survey 2004. After initial examination of the survey instrument and follow‐up on previous consultation with Maori, Whariki's main role focused on questions relevant to the Treaty of Waitangi (signed in 1840 between the United Kingdom and Maori) and to Maori. The questions and related findings were of particular salience in the context of ongoing controversy and challenges to the status of the Treaty in New Zealand and to the position of Maori. Here we describe research processes and relationships and present the findings with reference to their social and political implications.     

修身、成圣与革命：五四时期道德主义者的激进化

五四运动后“救亡”与“启蒙”、“政治”与“文化”的交织与竞逐是我们理解中国近代史的一条线索。既有研究多将恽代英呈现为一个具有道德主义色彩和儒家伦理底蕴的五四知识分子，然而顺着这一思路，我们却难以理解他为何从温和的道德结社转向革命。本文认为，恽代英精神世界中的心学底色，以及他对青年会社会服务经验的借鉴，使他形成了与共产主义者相通的道德认知；道德结社的困境则促使他走向政党运动，以群众运动实践自己的道德理想。恽代英的早期经历为我们呈现了过渡时代具有儒学底蕴的知识分子面对现代政治秩序时的道德困惑，这有助于我们理解中国共产主义革命对德性的强调以及儒家中国的现代转化。     

邓小平依法执政理论探究

党的十六大首次提出的依法执政理念作为执政能力建设的重要组成部分,其内容十分广泛。邓小平同志关于加强法制建设和改善党的领导等各方面论述,为依法执政理论的提出奠定了思想基础,并构筑了依法执政理论的总体框架,为党的执政理论建设开辟了新的领域。     

执政党对私营企业的统合策略及其效应分析:基于中国私营企业调查数据的实证研究

自改革开放以来,中国社会呈现政党国家与社会渐次分离的状况,集中体现在执政党权力范围的收缩和以私营企业为代表的社会新兴力量的成长与集聚。首先,本文通过理论阐述和案例分析发现,执政党与私营企业之间并非单向的吸纳与嵌入,更多表现为一种相互融入的共生关系。其次,基于对第九次全国私营企业家调查数据的分析进一步发现,在所辖企业中设立了党组织且自身具有党员身份的私营企业主对于执政党相关政策的认可度更高,同时也更加偏好生产性活动和长期导向活动的投入。结论表明,中国共产党通过自下而上的政治吸纳型和自上而下的组织嵌入型统合这两种分散政治压力的有效途径,在一定程度上实现了对私营企业的分类控制,在巩固执政合法性的同时,成功引导私营企业承担社会功能。     

党内和谐与和谐社会

党内和谐是社会和谐的前提和保证,建设和谐社会必须充分发挥党内和谐的促进作用。本文分析了党内和谐这一命题的现实针对性;指出实现党内和谐的主要途径为:发扬党内民主,加强民主制度建设,加强思想政治工作、建立关爱党员机制,确保党内和谐与社会和谐的良性互动;提出要积极营造党内和谐的文化氛围,加强党员的和谐修养,并就此从理论上进行了深入探讨。     

The Practical Logic of the Comintern from the Perspective of World Revolution

As a “World Communist Party” organization, the Comintern was profoundly influential in the history of the international Communist movement. The Comintern was established on the theoretical foundation of the theory of world revolution, but it underestimated how long that would take. Despite being the unified organizational vehicle of the “World Communist Party,” the Comintern underestimated the complexity of relations between itself and each country’s Communist Party, among these national Communist parties, and between Communist and social democratic parties. A classic example was the fact that although the Comintern developed close relationships with the Communist Party of China (CPC), it underestimated the particularity of Chinese revolution.     

Population Size,Local Autonomy,and Support for the Political System*

Objectives. Does size of democracy shape citizens' support for the democratic regime? Previous literature demonstrates that a variety of political contexts are associated with the level of system support among citizens, yet none has tested the effect of a fundamental contextual feature of contemporary societies—size of democracy—on system support from a cross‐national perspective. Methods. Survey data for nations of different sizes in Europe, North America, and Oceania are analyzed using a hierarchical generalized linear model. Results. Empirical analysis shows that less populous states and highly decentralized states demonstrate higher system support among citizens, and it offers some evidence that the negative effect of population size is moderated by the level of decentralization. Conclusions. My findings are consistent with the common expectation that smaller size of nation and governments “closer to the people” are preferred. Further, they have substantive implications for contemporary democratic governance.     

Thinking on Long-term Construction of Tibet in Contemporary China

Since the peaceful liberation of Tibet in 1951, with a view to shaking off Tibet’s poverty and backwardness and making it prosper alongside the rest of China, the central leadership with Mao Zedong at the core, combining Marxist theory on ethnic issues with the particular realities of Tibet, gave up the earlier plan of “shifting the troops garrisoning Tibet every three years to improve their morale,” and began to consider long-term thinking on developing Tibet in which the troops would take root and settle down in Tibet and the border areas. After reform and opening up in 1978, following changes in the international and domestic situation, the CPC Central Committee called on the people to “speed development” and realize leapfrog progress in Tibet and developed the assistance method of “accountability for specific areas, paired-up support and regular rotations.” That has enriched and supplemented our long-term thinking, and is an important method and pathway towards the long-term construction of Tibet. Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, General Secretary Xi Jinping has summarized the Party’s Tibet governance strategies over the past six decades, putting forward the idea that work on Tibet must uphold the important principles of “governing Tibet according to law, promoting the prosperity of the Tibetan people and the region on a long-term basis, increasing cohesion and building a solid foundation,” giving a new historical orientation and epochal meaning to long-term thinking on building Tibet. This article tries to trace the history of the long-term thinking on developing Tibet and summarize historical experience, so as to provide a historical basis and reference for work on Tibet in the new period.     

The Chinese Logic of Consultative Governance

Contemporary China needs to change from a Western to a Chinese-style governance discourse so as to form and explore a consultative governance discourse with Chinese characteristics. This is profoundly evident in the following: the Marxist philosophy of the state is the theoretical premise of contemporary China’s consultative governance; traditional Chinese thought on governance and practice are the soil in which contemporary Chinese consultative governance grows; socialism with Chinese characteristics is the realm in which contemporary Chinese consultative governance exists; the masses under the leadership of the CPC are the necessary subjects of contemporary Chinese consultative governance; and the target of contemporary Chinese consultative governance is a multi-layered and diverse existence. Realization of national governance through consultative democracy is the basic form of contemporary Chinese consultative governance; the balanced development of public, collective and individual interests is the basic objective of contemporary Chinese consultative governance; the basic principles of contemporary Chinese consultative governance are equality, inclusiveness and peace; and the criteria for assessing contemporary Chinese consultative governance are authority, consensus, institutions and the rule of law. Guided by the Marxist view of the state, rooted in the tradition of China’s fine political culture, and founded on the theoretical and practical claims of socialism with Chinese characteristics, socialist consultative governance with Chinese characteristics constitutes the Chinese form of contemporary governance theory.     

新中国建立前中国共产党的法律探索

新中国建立以前,在新民主主义时期,中国共产党不断地进行着法律实践,形成了一系列法律思想人民在政治法律上的地位一律平等;法律应体现阶级性和人性的统一;实行新民主主义宪政;废除伪宪法、伪法统;正确处理党与法、民主与法律的关系;等等.这些法律探索为新中国法制建设积累了经验、奠定了基础.     

丧礼相声与民国时期京津平民的社会关系运作

在近代城市人口流动增大的背景下，有必要对基于差序格局的社会关系运作方式有何变化展开深入探讨。 虽然民国时期京津两地人口流动规模较大，但其城市文化在旗人生活方式的影响下依然重视基于血缘伦理的礼数。通过分析反映京津城市文化的丧礼相声可以发现， 在人口流动与城市文化碰撞下，京津平民倾向于接纳外人与陌生人进入其丧服体系，亦即差序格局的核心圈层，以完成礼数的正常运行。 民国时期京津平民的社会关系运作逻辑基于“义利之辨”的“交情”与“占便宜”，“交情”使外人、陌生人得以进入差序格局核心圈层，而“占便宜”则是外人、陌生人调适自身在差序格局中的合理位置的过程。     

The Communist Activities of the First International and the Logic of Socialist Party Politics

Against the backdrop of the 19^th century, the First International, guided by Marxism, emerged in the form of the early “International Socialist Federation.” It viewed the seizure of power as the great mission of the proletariat, actively struggled against bourgeois regimes, strongly responded to the call of times for the theoretical self-consciousness and organized struggle of the proletariat, and exerted a profound historical influence on the stirring inauguration and nationally oriented development of the international Communist movement of the 20^th century. From the socialist party political perspective, the First International, once the Communist League, had raised the curtain on socialist party politics, changed the political mode of capitalist party politics’ exclusive world domination through the interactive development of new organizational forms, theoretical viewpoints and political practice. It thus left an abundant historical legacy in terms of ideological creation and practical innovation for the subsequent Second International, the Communist International and the emergence and development of socialist party politics within nation-states. Although its socialist party political practice had an obvious “regional,” “preliminary” and “tentative” nature, the First International had foundation-laying significance and pioneering value for the development of socialist party politics, whether in terms of organizational vehicles, value orientation and activity content, or in terms of ideological guidance, practical patterns and strategic principles.     

Kurt Lewin's Leadership Studies and His Legacy to Social Psychology: Is There Nothing as Practical as a Good Theory?

This paper re‐examines Kurt Lewin's classic leadership studies, using them as a concrete example to explore his wider legacy to social psychology. Lewin distinguished between advanced “Galileian” science, which was based on analysing particular examples, and backward “Aristotelian” science, which used statistical analyses. Close examination of the way Lewin wrote about the leadership studies reveals that he used the sort of binary, value‐laden concepts that he criticised as “Aristotelian”. Such concepts, especially those of “democracy” and “autocracy”, affected the way that he analysed the results and the ways that later social scientists have understood, and misunderstood, the studies. It is argued that Lewin's famous motto—“there is nothing as practical as a good theory”—is too simple to fit the tensions between the leadership studies and his own views of what counts as good theory.     

“开禁”还是“飨宴”？--汉唐北宋赐酺举措缘起、背景与施行动因的再探讨

汉唐北宋时代的“酒禁”政策并不能直观地理解为“禁民饮酒”。“禁群饮”之举在当时虽有发生,却始终并非一项整体与长期的国家政策,在其已然宣布的时期之内,执行与贯彻的力度也大可存疑。笼统地以“酒禁”或“禁群饮”政策的存在来解释赐酺举措发生和存续的合理性缺乏说服力。酺会在汉唐北宋的不断发生、持续流行,根本原因在于其最为核心的内容与意义是飨宴欢会。其给民众带来更热烈的欢宴体验、更加丰富的公共活动内涵以及更为广大的社交活动平台,同时为统治者提供得力的政治工具。赐酺之举的丰富功能使得其能够横历不同王朝,长期存在。     

论马克思的“社会共和国”理论与真实民主制度--兼论其对中国公民民主参与制度的启示

“社会共和国”是马克思主义者对新型无产阶级人民主权的政体设计,它保留了共和国的政体形式并以阶级内容的无产阶级属性取代并超越了资产阶级民主共和国。马克思为“社会共和国”设计了一系列真实而有效的民主制度：人民普选制、社会主义代议制、议行合一制与民主监督制。这些真实的民主制度为我国当下的公民民主参与实践提供了坚实的理论依据,并将指导着我们进一步完善人民代表大会制度下的公民参与权、基层民主自治制度与民主监督等制度。     

Responsive Government: The Diversity and Institutional Performance of Online Political Deliberation Systems

Along with innovation in ICT technology and the spread of the internet, the online network, through its “technological empowerment” of citizens and governments, has driven a series of institutional changes designed to promote government responsiveness. The global spread of online political deliberation is indeed an achievement of the internet-driven construction of responsive government. In recent years, the Chinese government has vigorously promoted online political deliberation, established virtual platforms to build bridges between netizens and public power, brought internet activism into institutional channels, and implemented political absorption and online consultation. Under the influence of policy initiatives and local innovations, China has created diversified response systems that strengthen the institutionalization of online political deliberation and thereby enable this system to play an active role in improving government capacity and regulating the relationship between the state and society. At present, China has seven types of online response: the Communist Party Committee-led mode, the mixed mode, the government-led mode and the modes led by the departments in charge of absorption, business, supervision departments, and petitioning. Empirical studies show that the diversity and degree of institutionalization of online political deliberation significantly affect institutional performance and that political authority and professionalism are important features that enable the different response systems to influence institutional performance. In short, the endogenous elements of the response system—level of institutionalization and institutional diversity—are key factors in institutional performance.