村民自治与农村政治发展

建立健全村民自治组织,推动农村政治发展,是中国政治发展的关键之一。政治民主、政治参与、政治秩序等作为农村政治发展的内容,是村民自治的内在价值追求。作为非国家形态的民主,村民自治的建立是社会主义政治文明的象征和标志,是社会主义民主政治的生长点。它标志着政治现代化的一种政治参与,旨在维护农村的社会秩序进而维护中国政治秩序的良性发展。     

社会转型期扩大公民有序政治参与的价值、挑战和路径分析

引导政治参与需求、提升政治参与水平、扩大有序政治参与,已成为当代中国重要的理论和实践课题。社会转型期,扩大公民有序政治参与是建设政治文明的必然要求、体现民主政治的重要标尺、监督公共权力的关键要素、提升政治权威的有效途径、维护政治稳定的必要条件。当代中国公民政治参与表现出明显的两重性:制度化与非制度化并存、自主性与被动性并存、实质性与形式性并存、理性与非理性并存、微观参与多于宏观参与、执行参与多于决策参与。扩大公民有序政治参与需要着力健全参与制度、拓宽参与渠道、培育社会组织、提高公民素质、重塑政治文化。     

社会转型期扩大公民政治参与的必要性分析

增加有效的制度供给、拓宽政治参与渠道、引导政治参与需求、提升政治参与水平,已成为当代中国重要的理论和实践课题。社会转型期,扩大公民政治参与是建设政治文明的必然要求、体现民主政治的重要标尺、监督公共权力的关键要素、提升政治权威的有效途径、维护政治稳定的必要条件、培育公民意识的基本方式。     

当代西方政治冲突分析模型述评

政治冲突是解释人类社会发展变化的一把钥匙，也一直是思想家和统治者关注的重点领域。随着行为政治学的兴起，当代一些政治学者基于控制论、系统论和心理学等知识，提出了一些很有意义的政治冲突分析模型，即：政治冲突与生物需求模型，政治冲突与社会融合模型，政治冲突与政治镇压模型，政治冲突与政治镇压、政治发展模型，政治冲突与政治受挫模型，政治冲突与冲突边界控制模型等，这对于我们分析政治冲突问题具有一定参考意义。     

中国私营企业主政治参与的形式、意义和限度

私营企业主是改革开放以后迅速发展起来的一个新阶层。随着经济实力的增强,他们的政治参与意识日益突出,并通过多种方式对政府决策产生了一定程度的影响。在肯定其政治参与的积极意义的同时,也要强化对这一参与行为的规范和引导,要强调这一参与是有限度的。中国目前要注意通过制度建设,保证这一参与的健康发展,防止在私人资本与某些阶层之间形成社会中的强势联盟,损害其他阶级阶层的利益,危害社会主义民主政治建设。     

Educational trajectories and inequalities of political engagement among adolescents in England

Through analysing longitudinal data this article explores the effect of education trajectories between the ages 14–19 on voting and protesting at age 20 taking into account both type of education (vocational/academic) and level of qualifications (Levels 1–3). We find that these trajectories exert an independent effect on both outcomes. Gaining low level qualifications (up to Level 2) and in particular low level vocational qualifications diminishes the chances of political participation relative to Level 3 and academic qualifications. Whilst a wider range of qualifications are conducive to voting, only Level 3 academic qualifications support protesting relative to other qualifications. Post-14 education thus seems to make protesting more of an elite affair. Considering that the vast majority of students in the vocational and lower-level pathways come from low SES families, the undermining influence of these pathways on political participation will be felt disproportionally among the group of socially disadvantaged students.     

Affirmation effects on math scores: The importance of high school track

Stereotype threat has been shown to affect academic performance of minority racial groups. Minority girls may experience the burdens of both race and gender - a “double bind” theorized to affect the underrepresentation of women in STEM fields. A randomized controlled trial focused on alleviating stereotype threat in three high schools in a large U.S. metro demonstrates the effects of affirmative writing interventions, which have previously shown positive effects for minority and female students. Results indicate effects for these groups were insignificant. However, results also show that student track is highly significant at p < 0.001, and interactive analyses suggest that the intervention may help alleviate threat for higher-achieving students.     

政治社会化理论的产生、发展和研究领域

政治社会化理论产生于20世纪五六十年代的美国,经历了以儿童和青少年的政治社会化、以人的一生的政治社会化、以苏东国家政治制度的转变为主要研究对象的三个大的发展阶段。政治社会化理论的主要研究领域和内容有:个体学习政治知识,获得政治取向,形成和完善政治人格;政治文化的传承和变迁过程;政治体系的运行、变迁与政治社会化的关系;政治角色的获得和扮演等。     

We trust in government,just not in yours: Race,partisanship, and political trust, 1958–2012

Although it is generally accepted that political trust is reflective of satisfaction with the performance of the incumbent administration, this is only considered true for White Americans. Because their trust reflects a larger discontent with the political system, Black Americans, it is held, do not respond in the same way in the short term. This argument has yet to be tested with over-time data. Time matters. Not only does the race gap in trust change over time but the impact of partisanship and political winning is, by definition, time-dependent. The results of an analysis of the 1958–2012 American National Election Studies data show that Black Americans and White Americans are equally likely to tie short-term performance to trust in government. However, the relationship between partisanship and political trust and, therefore, system discontent, clearly differs for the two groups. Aggregate models that do not take race-partisan sub-group differences into account will therefore be misleading.     

和谐社会建设与农民的政治参与

构建社会主义和谐社会,实现社会的和谐发展,离不开广大农民群众的政治参与。当前农民的政治参与已取得一些成绩,但也存在种种的问题。我们要从各方面采取措施,促进农民参与政治的热情,提高农民参与政治的水平。     

政治民主与政治参与的互动关系研究

资本主义国家虽然具有较为完善的政治参与机制,但这种存在并不必然意味着政治民主也是存在的,事实上政治参与和政治民主之间并不存在必然的联系,否则在西方资本主义国家存在政治参与的条件下,就不可能形成政治冷漠现象了。对于政治民主与政治参与的互动关系,可以从民主的政治基础辨析、政治参与是政治民主的表现形态、冲突系统与政治冷漠三方面进行研究。     

我国农民政治参与问题浅析

农民的政治参与程度是衡量基层民主发展状况的重要尺度,但是当前农民政治参与存在诸多问题,以此通过分析我国农民政治参与存在的问题及其原因,进而探讨提高我国农民政治参与水平的相关对策。     

我国农民政治参与意识淡漠的成因及对策

当代中国社会发展的必然选择和唯一出路是实现现代化,而现代化对政治发展的内在要求是政治的民主化;作为一个农业大国,九亿农民政治参与的程度如何,是衡量我国政治文明建设的参数,是事关现代化能否顺利实现的重大的政治问题;我国农民政治参与意识冷漠深层次的原因既有经济层面的,也有政治、文化层面的;要立足本国国情,从我国实际出发,大力发展农村市场经济,发展农村文化教育事业,不断健全以村民自治为基础的农村民主制度,充分调动农民群众的政治积极性、智慧和创造力。     

农民政治认同的逻辑——以社会主义为对象分析

政治认同是人们在政治生活中产生的一种感情上和意识上的归属感,农民在历史和现实中形成了以生存伦理为认同的逻辑起点、以公正平等为最大的心理诉求、以自身的弱势地位为认同的主要障碍等为内容的认同体系。农民作为俄国和中国等东方社会主义国家中最大的社会群体,他们对社会主义政治制度认同与否,关系到社会主义事业的兴衰成败。社会主义国家的无产阶级政党只有认清农民特有的生活方式、思维模式及其政治认同的逻辑,才能增进农民对社会主义的认同度,使他们以饱满的热情积极参与社会主义现代化建设,建设社会主义和谐社会。     

Tackling inequalities in political socialisation: A systematic analysis of access to and mitigation effects of learning citizenship at school

This article tackles the issue of social inequalities in voting and identifies how and when differences in learning political engagement are influenced by social background in the school environment between the ages of 11–16 in England. Using Latent Growth Curve Modelling and Regression Analysis on the Citizenship Education Longitudinal (CELS) data this research identifies two elements that influence the political socialisation process: access to political learning and effectiveness in the form of learning in reducing inequalities in political engagement. The results show that there is unequal access by social background to learning political engagement through political activities in school and through an open classroom climate for discussion. However, there is equal access by social background to Citizenship Education in schools and this method of learning political engagement is effective at the age of 15–16 in reducing inequalities in political engagement.     

加强辅导员队伍建设构建和谐的高校思想政治教育机制

辅导员是高校从事德育工作、开展大学生思想政治教育的骨干力量。当前，高校辅导员队伍存在的主要问题有：日常工作繁杂，思想政治教育工作的覆盖面狭窄，无法落实；职称晋升难，职业认同感低；以经验型工作为主，离专家化、职业化道路尚远。加强辅导员队伍建设，构建和谐高校思想政治教育，需要明确岗位职责，切实加强思想政治教育工作；明确辅导员地位，提高辅导员职业认同感；提高理论素养、增强素质，加快职业化、专家化进程三个方面入手。     

Sexual identities and participation in liberal and conservative social movements

The desire for social change, political activism, and sexual identities may all be related. Lesbians and gays generally contest heterosexism more than heterosexuals but we do not know how sexual identities sways participation in class, race, and gender based social movements. When analyzing the American National Election Surveys of 2012 (n = 3519), gays and lesbians were about twenty times more likely to join LGB justice campaigns than heterosexuals. Moreover, the greater activism of gays and lesbians also crossed over to recent Occupy Wall Street, peace, and environmental mobilizations. Finally, this analysis ends with logistic regressions that determine if any sexual identity gaps in movement participation are the result of demographic, contextual, and ideological covariates.     

破圈:网络圈层化背景下高校思想政治教育的新使命

网络圈层化已经成为大学生思想政治教育的新问题。伴随着大数据算法推荐技术、多元开放的网络环境、大学生异质化心理的影响，大学生群体因相似的兴趣、需求等群体认同的价值观在网络空间集聚分层，形成一个个封闭、独立的网络文化圈层。这种网络圈层化现象深刻地影响着大学生的价值观念、思维方式和认知方式，同时给新时代高校思想政治教育工作的有效开展带来了新的挑战。高校思想政治教育必须及时更新教育观念，转变教育方式，依托“思想政治理论课”主渠道和主阵地，建构网络思想政治教育新机制，坚持显性教育与隐性教育的统一，形成思想政治教育合力，从而对网络圈层化现象下的大学生群体进行有效引导和针对性教育。     

High political participation, high social capital? A relational analysis of youth social capital and political participation

Social capital has been alleged to increase the capacity for political mobilization. Yet, until now, the empirical debate has not succeeded in rendering a detailed account of the relationships between social capital and political participation partly because of the use of a reductive conception and operationalization of both concepts. Using a multidimensional and relational technique (multiple correspondence analysis) and a detailed youth survey data from Belgium, the article demonstrates that youth draw on diverse forms of social capital and that these forms vary along socio-economic status and ethnic origin. Six classes based on the forms of social capital were identified. Two of them - the ‘Committed’ and ‘Religious’ are highly political active. The ‘Committed’ Class, based on a diversified social capital, consists mainly of non-immigrant youth with a high socio-economic background undertaking a large diversity of political activities. The ‘Religious’ Class, based on a narrow social capital built around religious activities, is mostly composed of ethnic minority youth with a low SES involved in more specific political activities.