美国对伊动武难点多

美国打击了阿富汗塔利班政权后,在抛出"邪恶轴心"说的同时,矛头直指伊拉克,表示决心要推翻萨达姆政权,并派副总统切尼到中东游说,寻求阿拉伯国家的支持.但是,从伊拉克的反对派力量、阿拉伯国家的反应及世界舆论看,美国要对伊拉克动武有相当多的难点.     

伊拉克过渡政权核心人物沙拉比

美伊战争结束已半年，在美国的一手策划下，被称为“千面枭雄”的伊拉克代表沙拉比，在流亡期间与美国国会联系密切，在众多伊拉克反对派中，被华盛顿选中，成为伊过渡政权的核心人物。     

伊拉克战争以来中国与伊拉克的关系

伊战前中伊两国间保持着长期的友好交往。伊战结束后，中国积极参与了联合国倡导的伊拉克重建，并与美国等西方国家及俄国、阿拉伯国家合作，与伊拉克新政权建立了良好的关系。中国公司也积极参与了伊拉克的经济重建。与战前相比，中伊经济关系发生重大变化，即贸易规模迅速扩大，能源合作的地位上升，中国从贸易顺差变为逆差，而中国公司的投资从一般制造业和建筑承包转向能源和高层次的制造业。中国对伊拉克新政权的外交政策和经济合作对于伊的稳定和发展起到了积极作用，同时保证了中国在伊的权益，在2014年6月以来伊拉克的动荡中，中国和伊拉克共同努力妥善保障了中国的利益。     

沙特政权危机的历史根源及当代演变

沙特家族在建国进程中先后与瓦哈比派和美国结盟,分别构成沙特政权国内和国际合法性的主要支撑。但两个合法性之间的极化对立限制了沙特的国家建构,成为其政权危机的历史根源。沙特政府曾经尝试推进社会自由化和宗教保守化改革,均未能有效解决这一结构性矛盾。长期以来,单一石油经济成为维系既有上层建筑和调节政权与社会关系的唯一有效工具。但随着人口持续膨胀和政治参与预期增长,以及石油收入稳定性下降,沙特社会危机日益累积。"阿拉伯之春"以来,美国主导的地区体系趋于崩溃,瓦哈比派意识形态受到直接挑战,加之油价大幅下跌,沙特政权危机集中爆发。王储穆罕默德·本·萨勒曼对沙特内政外交的剧烈调整,其目的在于从根源上应对政权危机,为推动国家全面改革准备条件。     

从伊拉克战争看美国的单边主义

美国无视世界大多数国家的反对,于3月20日发动了对伊拉克的战争。美国打着反恐旗号,表面上是要清除伊拉克的大规模杀伤性武器,实际是为着推翻萨达姆政权,并在伊拉克建立亲美政权,进而在中东地区和全世界推行美国的“全球战略”。一个国家以种种借口对另一个主权国家发动战争,这种藐视国际法准则和粗暴践踏联合国宪章的行为,在国际上开创了一个危险的先例。美国的强权政治和单边主义行径,受到了全世界热爱和平的国家和人们的强烈谴责。正在膨胀的美国单边主义单边主义是从霸权主义衍生而来的。冷战时期,美苏称霸,东西对抗。苏联垮台后,冷战结…     

从文明冲突论、国家利益论角度分析伊拉克战争动机

2003年3月20日,美国以伊拉克支持恐怖组织和隐藏大规模杀伤性武器为由发动了对伊战争。由于这一次是海湾战争爆发后美国又一次进军伊拉克领土,所以此次战争又称"第二次海湾战争"。事实上,美国之所以绕开联合国、不顾国际社会的反对而发动伊拉克战争,是要通过这场战争来推翻反美政权,取得对伊拉克的石油控制权。本文将以理论分析为角度,通过经典国际政治理论来分析美国发动伊拉克战争的国家层次上的动机。     

资讯

伊战十年后混乱依旧美国分析家几乎一致认为,入侵伊拉克没有达到目的。前美国总统顾问罗斯承认,推翻萨达姆政权,伊拉克和美国付出的代价都"十分巨大"。罗斯说,"我认为,距离实现建设一个民主稳定的伊拉克仍然很遥远。"有些专家更坦言,现在的伊拉克很不民主、很暴力、很独裁。罗斯说,伊拉克战争的主要成果是消除了萨达姆政权,但代价非常巨大,教派争端已导致数万人死亡、国家四分五裂、大批的人流离失所,美国人也付出了鲜血和金     

伊拉克泛阿拉伯主义探析

泛阿拉伯主义萌芽于奥斯曼帝国统治时期,主张阿拉伯人是一个民族共同体,目标是建立一个统一独立的阿拉伯国家。本文简要论述了泛阿拉伯民族主义的兴起和发展;伊拉克和泛阿拉伯主义的关系;伊拉克复兴党的泛阿拉伯主义实践,最后分析了伊拉克在历史上长期成为泛阿拉伯主义民族中心和泛阿拉伯主义在伊拉克恒久不衰的原因。     

关于阿拉伯国家民主化道路的思考

在民主化进程中,阿拉伯国家并非"例外",而是滞后于世界其他地区.阿拉伯国家的民主实践呈现由弱渐强、逐步推进的趋势.但是,阿拉伯国家政治发展中的根本问题--政权产生的方式--尚没有实质性突破,面临诸多困难和挑战.阿拉伯国家的民主化道路基本上要经历一个权威政权主导下的政治自由化和有限民主化阶段.     

关于阿拉伯国家民主化道路的思考

在民主化进程中,阿拉伯国家并非“例外”,而是滞后于世界其他地区。阿拉伯国家的民主实践呈现由弱渐强、逐步推进的趋势。但是,阿拉伯国家政治发展中的根本问题——政权产生的方式——尚没有实质性突破,面临诸多困难和挑战。阿拉伯国家的民主化道路基本上要经历一个权威政权主导下的政治自由化和有限民主化阶段。     

Ethics, regulation and the new artificial intelligence, part II: autonomy and liability

This is the second article in a two-part series on the social, ethical and public policy implications of the new artificial intelligence (AI). The first article briefly presented a neo-Durkheimian understanding of the social fears projected onto AI, before arguing that the common and enduring myth of an AI takeover arising from the autonomous decision-making capability of AI systems, most recently resurrected by Professor Kevin Warwick, is misplaced. That article went on to argue that, nevertheless, some genuine and practical issues in the accountability of AI systems that must be addressed. This second article, drawing further on the neo-Durkheimian theory, sets out a more detailed understanding of what it is for a system to be autonomous enough in its decision making to blur the boundary between tool and agent. The importance of this is that this blurring of categories is often the basis, the first article argued, of social fears.     

Making Feminist Sense out of ‘Charlie Wilson's War’

Charlie Wilson's War (2007), Mike Nichols's film about the womanizing Congressman who engineered black funds for the CIA's proxy war in Soviet-occupied Afghanistan, is historically misleading but highly instructive, because in packaging dominant American masculine identity and war politics as popular entertainment for post-9/11 audiences, it reveals the sexed and gendered ‘politics of the visual’ in global affairs. This intertextual study of ‘Charlie Wilson's war’ as movie, constructed history and legacy examines Wilson as a prime exhibit of a needy masculinity that, like the film's emasculated CIA, bulks itself up through surrogate military selves. It also analyses modes of the imaginary and specularity in brother-bonding with the mujahidin, tracks the proxy system's loops of masculine identity-and-war-making between Stateside and South Asia in the post-Vietnam 1980s and interrogates the dynamics of imperial ‘un-seeing’ in this campaign and its long aftermath. While US proxy wars proliferate worldwide, the lack of useable political memory about the ground truths of ‘Charlie's war’ continues to matter because America's second ‘good’ war in Afghanistan, bound to the first by gendered causal links, has re-empowered the forces that still menace women's rights and lives.     

Politique et expertise scientifique. La régulation européenne des médicaments

A study of the EU system for regulating medicinal products is used to show the usefulness of distinguishing between policy-making and scientific expertise when analyzing political decision-making. This approach presupposes identifying the characteristics of scientific expertise. The experts responsible for assessing drugs have to combine knowledge and action. Questions are raised about how work is shared between decision-makers and experts. In the case of medicinal products, the work of experts has absorbed decision-making. Lest we waver between explanations in terms either of science or else of politics, it is necessary to substantively identify expertise’s political dimensions. Two conceptions — the “healthy man’s” and the “sick man’s” — of the purpose of assessing medicinal products stand out in debates; but political authorities pay no heed to them.     

The electronic face of government in the internet age: borrowing from Murray Edelman

The issue of legitimation by political elites has been a central concern of political scientists for many years. This article draws upon the work of Murray Edelman who was instrumental in analysing this relationship between rulers and ruled, the relatively powerful and relatively powerless, through an understanding of language, symbolism and the manipulation of information. It concludes with the contention that the Internet offers the prospect for governments to create new 'electronic faces', which act to support a symbolic architecture of power.     

Le SAT et l’accès aux études supérieures : le recrutement des élites américaines en question

James Conant developed the Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT) in the 1930s in line with thought about the mobility of elites, a subject that many American as well as European intellectuals were discussing. This test, now used for the admission of high school graduates to universities, was to be a means for detecting talented youngsters and, in fine, producing a model of society. Nowadays, the SAT has a value as a means of effectively comparing students nationwide; but in practice, it serves to reproduce a certain social elite. Far from measuring pure intelligence disconnected from culture, it has turned into a commodity advantageous to certain social groups and ethnic communities.     

Destins professionnels des femmes ingénieures. Des retournements inattendus

In the late 1970s, a major change in techniques and a modification of the job structure opened the way for women to become engineers in the computer sciences. At the time, working conditions and policies for managing careers allowed them to benefit from ascending mobility, while still investing in family life. Given its strong growth, information technology soon became the main branch of the French economy with openings for women engineers. The downturn in employment during the 1990s and its management through “psychology-based” training arrangements restored the sexual division of labor, as women were forced out of “noble” positions in engineering and design or even out of the branch itself. These two recent trends — a feminization and then “defeminization” of reputedly “masculine” jobs — are analyzed.     

WHAT IS THE MULTITUDE?

Nicholas Brown and Imre Szeman continue their conversation with Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri. (See ‘The Global Coliseum: On Empire’ in Cultural Studies, 16.2, (March 2002), p. 177–192). In this new interview they press the authors of Empire and Multitude on questions that have arisen both out of their own involvement with the theoretical issues generated by Empire and from new areas opened up by Multitude. Why is the multitude not a class? How can the unity of a political project be maintained in the multiplicity of the multitude? Is democracy still a project for the future? Can a political subject constitute itself outside the structure of sovereignty? In other words, what is the multitude?     

DEFINING MOMENTS: THE TENSION BETWEEN RICHNESS AND REACH

The defining moments of traditional spatially based higher education are made up of fixed and fluid experiences. These 'moments' are now creaking as funding per student falls and the romanticized ideal of an education detached from 'real' life falters under the weight of highly variable student experiences. Distance learning in all its guises has always been regarded as inferior by those embedded in the traditional system. However more and more students demand something different from costly campus-based education. It is time for a more open discussion about the tensions between richness and reach and the role that new facilities like the Internet could play in reaching more students without wallowing in the nostalgia that often accompanies such debates.     

On Subtitle Translation

Under the background of increasingly frequent international cultural exchanges, the film subtitle translation attracts more and more attention. It helps the film appreciation across different cultures and promotes the culture transmission. In the film subtitle translation practice, a lot of efforts have been made. The status quo of film subtitle translation is fairish on the whole. But there are still several major problems hindering the development of film subtitle translation. Thus there is still a lot to do to improve it.     

The causes of terrorism

Abstract

Terrorist attacks on 11 September 2001 and after intensified concerns about a global Jihad and other forms of terrorism, and renewed calls to better understand its causes or roots. There have been divergent views on this question, and terrorism has been argued to be caused by increased poverty, rapid urbanization, declining traditional authority, globalization, and so forth. These differences, reflecting philosophical, religious, political and other differences, are not merely academic; they can affect our understanding of both the threat and of responses to terrorism. This article provides an analytic framework for understanding the limits to understanding the causes of terrorism, identifying what can be known about causation and assessing counterterrorism implications.