中国离婚丧偶人口再婚差异性分析

根据对再婚率指标的考察,我国不同可再婚人口群体的再婚可能性存在一定差异性。总体而言,女性再婚可能性大于男性,低文化程度女性再婚可能高于高文化程度女性,高文化程度男性有相对较高的再婚可能。上述差异性可能与初婚市场上的婚姻挤压、再婚市场上的婚姻梯度以及高文化程度男性参与初婚市场上婚姻资源的分配有关。     

中国高龄老人丧偶和再婚的性别分析

1998年中国高龄老人健康长寿调查数据显示 ,高龄老人中有 92 3%女性和 5 8 4 %男性的婚姻状况为丧偶。女性高龄老人不仅丧偶比例在各个年龄组都高于男性 ,且曾经再婚的比例也大大低于同龄的男性老人。初婚丧偶发生在 6 0岁以后的老年人中 ,男性的再婚比例为 2 3% ,女性为 0 5 %。同时 ,各年龄组高龄老人的丧偶时期平均值也存在着显著的男女差别 ,女性的丧偶年数比男性老人长     

再婚、再婚生育问题研究──对湖北省1%人口抽样调查的分析

本文利用1995年全国1％人口抽样调查湖北省的资料，通过对再婚与初婚育龄女性的文化程度、职业、生育孩次构成等特征的分析，发现在育龄女性文化程度普遍偏低的状况下，再婚育龄女性文化程度更低；城镇育龄女性再婚率随文化程度提高而下降，农村再婚率与文化程度的关系是“U”字形。再婚育龄女性生育孩次明显有别于初婚。再婚生育多孩需求明显，城市再婚生育二孩尤为突出，应引起特别关注。     

两代人对老年人再婚态度的实证分析

本文利用北京市统计局 1 999年 1 1月进行的北京市老年人抽样调查数据 ,对北京市老年人和中青年人对于老年再婚的态度和看法进行了比较分析。研究结果表明 ,5 4 %的老年人赞成再婚 ,2 9%反对 ;68%的中青年人赞成老年人再婚 ,1 5 %的人反对 ,中青年的态度比老年人更为开放。男性老年人赞成老年人再婚的比例高于女性 ,城市老年人比农村老年人更赞成老年人再婚。非常有意思的是 ,现在有老伴的老年人大多赞成老年人再婚 ,而丧偶的老年人最不赞成老年人再婚。中青年人与老年人对于再婚阻力的看法非常一致 ,认为再婚的阻力主要是老年人自身受传统观念的束缚。     

中国的男孩偏好和婚姻挤压——初婚与再婚市场的综合分析

中国强烈的男孩偏好和对女性的歧视导致了婚姻市场上严重的男性婚姻挤压。本文使用中国2000年普查数据和所预测的2001~2050年人口数据,结合初婚和再婚市场设计了度量婚姻挤压的指标,测度了2001~2050年中国的婚姻挤压程度,考察了男孩偏好和再婚因素对中国未来婚姻挤压的影响。结果表明未来中国婚姻市场每年有10%~15%男性过剩人口,达到120万人。男孩偏好导致的高出生性别比显著影响未来婚姻市场,而再婚人口对婚姻市场上过剩人口也有显著影响。     

中国老年人再婚态度及影响因素分析

本研究利用2016年中国老年社会追踪调查数据考察我国老年人对老年再婚的态度和看法,着重分析经济状况和代际关系对老年再婚态度的影响。数据结果显示我国老年人整体上对老年再婚的态度较为消极,赞成者不足1/3且呈现出很强的异质性,低龄、非农户口、身体健康的老年人的再婚态度更积极。以房产数量和经济独立性两个指标测量老年人经济状况,通过描述分析和回归模型考察经济状况对老年人再婚态度的影响,研究发现老年人经济状况越好则赞成老年再婚的比例越高;经济独立的老年人比经济不独立的老年人对老年再婚的态度更积极;经济因素对老年人再婚态度的影响具有性别差异且主要表现在经济条件比较差的老年人群中,经济资源匮乏的女性老人再婚意愿最低。代际关系是影响老年人再婚态度的另一重要因素,分析得出没有子女的老年人赞成老年再婚的比例最高,随着健在子女数的增加,老年人赞成老年再婚的比例降低且具有统计显著性;拥有关系亲密的子女的老年人赞成老年再婚的可能性显著下降,比没有关系亲密的子女的老年人减少32.5%;子女性别结构影响老年人再婚态度,只有儿子健在的老年人赞成老年再婚的比例最高,只有女儿的老年人其次,儿女双全的老年人最低。此外,本文还发现积极的社会参与、使用智能手机、充分的养老规划和现代养老观念等都会对老年人再婚态度产生显著的正面影响。     

上海 陕西 河北三省市女性再婚研究

本文利用第一期深入的生育力调查数据，首次对中国上海、陕西、河北妇女的再婚水平、模式及其影响因素进行了定量分析。分析表明，妇女离婚、丧偶后再婚率很高，而且再婚速度较快。妇女是否工作，拥有子女数及其性别等对妇女再婚具有一定的影响。     

影响再婚的个人和社会因素分析

随着中国社会经济的变革,离婚率急剧上升,随之而来的再婚现象也日益普遍,再婚逐渐成为现代社会婚姻建构的一种重要形式。本文运用我国2000年人口普查抽样数据,分析了性别、民族、居住地、文化程度、职业等各种个人和社会经济因素对再婚的影响,运用logistic回归检验了各种因素对再婚的影响程度,并分性别比较了各种因素影响的异同。结果发现,职业与受教育程度对不同性别人口再婚的影响截然相反,这在一定程度上也验证了婚姻市场中存在的“甲女丁男”结婚难的说法。     

适当修改民族地区再婚生育政策势在必行——长阳土家族自治县二孩丧偶家庭再婚生育问题调查

随着改革开放和市场经济的发展，长阳土家族自治县人口控制取得了较好成绩，但是，丧偶再婚计划外生育仍屡控不止，已成为贫困山区最棘手的问题。县计生局于６月份开展了认真调查，现将情况综合报告如下：丧偶再婚现状长阳土家族自治县，集“老、少、山、穷、库”于一体，...     

再析老年再婚

<正> 笔者于1984年开始对城市老年人再婚问题作了社会调查,并已在《城市老年人再婚心理试析》一文(《新华文摘》85年第三期)中进行了分析研究。最近,《中国老年》杂志社就这个问题,开展了全国性的讨论,许多观点发人深思。我想借此机会再次谈谈对老年再婚的认识。     

Sex differences in remarriage and spouse selection

This paper explores on an international basis the incidence of remarriage among total marriages, the levels and differences in remarriage rates among widowed and divorced males and females, and differences between males and females in spouse selection according to the previous marital statuses of spouse and bride or groom. Remarriage rates by sex and previous marital status are estimated using vital registration data in combination with census information; there are 47 countries that have such data. The results of the analyses indicate that there are a number of general patterns of remarriage and spouse selection that tend to hold across countries.     

Child gender and the transition to marriage

We estimate the effect of a child's gender on the mother's probability of marriage or remarriage using data from the PSID Marital History and Childbirth and Adoption History Files. We find that the birth of a son speeds the transition into marriage when the child is born before the mother's first marriage. A competing-risks analysis shows that the positive effect of a son is stronger for marriages to the child's biological father than for other marriages. We find no significant effect of child gender on the mother's remarriage probabilities when the children are born within a previous marriage. These results are consistent with a marital-search model in which sons, more than daughters, increase the value of marriage relative to single parenthood.     

The family planning work as suggested by analysis of the age at first marriage in Jiaxing Prefecture, Zhejiang Province]

Since 1970 when the big push for family planning began, China advocated late marriages. In general, the age for late marriage for female peasants is 23 years and 25 for males; for urban females and males, it is 25 and 27 years, respectively. In 1981 the New Marriage Law stipulated the age at marriage to be 20 years for females and 22 for males (these ages are lower than the ages advocated for marriage in actual practice). Despite the New Marriage Law, however, there was in 1981 an increase in the number of people who married before attaining the "late marriage age," thereby creating problems in family planning work. Since 1981, early marriages have been an increasing phenomenon (for the purposes of this essay, age at early marriage is 23 years for females and 25 for males). Jiaxing Prefecture had a 460.53% increase from 1979 to 1981 in the number of women who married early. The following findings were based on studies of Tungxiang and Pinghu Countries. Early marriages as well as "regular" marriages have increased greatly, with early marriage exceeding the number of other marriages. Urban marriages are far more moderate in number than rural marriages, partly because family planning work in urban areas is more effective. Early marriage in areas where family planning work was effective is less extreme than in areas where family planning work was ineffective. Findings from Kayuan Commune of Tungxiang County shows that 47.8% of all male marriages in 1981 were early marriages, as opposed to 6.3% in 1980. The average age for men at marriage in 1981 was 1.6 years younger than in 1980, and .75 years younger for females. Undoubtedly the New Marriage Law influenced the trend in early marriages, but the main reason is that the agarian economy is backwards. Further, traditional attitudes (e.g., "the sooner the children come the sooner the riches come") prevail.     

The effects of remarriage on women’s labor supply

Many studies have found that women decrease their labor supply upon marriage and increase their labor supply upon divorce. This paper examines whether that pattern varies depending on whether the marriage is a first or higher-order one using data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics for the years 1979 through 2001. The combination of a greater expected probability that a remarriage will end and the failure of household production to bring returns upon the end of a previous marriage may make women less likely to reduce their labor supply in second or higher marriages as compared to a first marriage. The results differ for the intensive and extensive margins of labor supply. With one exception, after controlling for background characteristics, the estimates imply that the probability of working is related to marriage in a similar manner regardless of whether the marriage is a first or a remarriage. In contrast, the estimates provide support for the possibility that decreases in hours of work upon marriage are smaller in second and higher marriages as compared to first marriages.     

On marriage-specific human capital

This paper develops a model of remarriage for women with particular emphasis on the role of investments in marriage-specific human capital. A distinction is made between marriage-specific skills that are transferable across marriages and those that are specific to a particular spouse. It is hypothesized that transferable marriage-specific skills constitute an asset and a major component of gains from marriage for previously married women. A high level of such skills is expected to be associated with fast remarriage. The presence of children is expected to delay remarriage, because it indicates lower levels of past and future investments that would be relevant to a new partnership. These hypotheses are examined using Cox-regression techniques with data on white and black women from the 1982 National Survey of Family Growth. The empirical results are consistent with the hypotheses. A systematic pattern of race differentials is uncovered, which can be interpreted within the context of the model.We gratefully acknowledge helpful comments and suggestions by anonymous referees and by participants of the Economic Demography Workshop at NORC and the Human Resources Workshop at the University of Illinois at Chicago.     

Family household and nuptiality changes: a search for some explanations from the recent past

Using the demographic transition framework as a basis for analysis, the author examines the levels, trends, and differentials in household size and structure in the Philippines. Time-series data on average household size from the censuses show that the changes observed over time are closely associated with or have run parallel to the shifts in mortality and fertility. Data from the 1968, 1973, and 1983 National Demographic Surveys revealed small increases in 1-person households, modest increases in small-sized and moderate-sized households, and substantial decreases in large-sized households. The data also disclosed structural shifts among various types of family households. Between 1968 and 1983, family households experienced increasing nuclearization. While expectation for support in old age has somewhat diminished recently, parents' preference to join their daughters will have the effect of increasing the opportunity of females to head households. More highly educated persons exhibited a greater tendency to head the bigger-sized, extended family household, although this has diminished somewhat lately. Increases in the age at 1st marriage of both males and females affect the life span of family households, especially nuclear households. A multivariate analysis using macrolevel data as inputs demonstrated the very strong influences of the factors of desirability of marriage, availability of mate, and urbanization on the marriage pattern. Enhancing employment opportunities and creating appropriate mechanisms through which present incomes may be increased in the hinterlands under various rural development programs may help to diminish the values attached to children. The provision of more and better facilities for higher education especially in the disadvantaged provinces will enable young people, especially females, to gain access to higher learning, thus providing alternatives to early marriage and childbearing.     

A new look at the marriage market and nuptiality rates, 1915–1958

The system of nuptiality probabilities for never married males and females, the “marriage regime,” is viewed as a population transformation, which operates on a population thereby changing the composition. The marriage regime has many properties common to other population transformations, but embodies a constraint such that, in general, the marriage regime cannot be strictly stable over time. The approach is applied to study the “marriage squeeze,” the alteration in marriage patterns that results from an imbalance in the “marriage market” or numbers of never married males and females at the usual marriage ages. Using data on age at first marriage for the 1960 American white population, nuptiality probabilities by single year of age and sex are estimated for the years 1915–58. Annual estimates also are made of the relative number of eligible mates (never married of the usual marriage ages) for never married persons of a given age and sex. No close correspondence is found between annual fluctuations in the marriage market and in the nuptiality probability, possibly because of the crudeness of the estimates. Alternatively, response to the imbalance may take another form such as marriage postponement or a redefinition of eligibility.     

Marriage patterns and fertility of the world population]

Marriage patterns of the world population may be divided into two major categories; i.e., the traditional marriage pattern, and the European marriage pattern. Characteristics of the traditional marriage pattern are: early marriage, a high percentage of married people, and a low percentage of people who remain single during their lifetime. Characteristics of the European marriage pattern include: late marriage and a higher percentage of females who do not marry in their lifetime. In most parts of Asia and Africa and some Latin American countries, the traditional marriage pattern is dominant, and the birth rate in these countries has remained very high. Most countries in Europe show the characteristics of the European marriage pattern, and the fertility rate in these countries is comparatively low. Some other countries, such as Sri Lanka, are in a process of transformation in their marriage pattern, and their fertility level also shows a transition from a high fertility rate to a lower fertility rate. There is a close relationship between marriage patterns and the level of fertility.     

中国女性初婚模式变动趋势研究

20世纪80年代以来我国女性的初婚模式发生了显著的变化。本文使用人口普查资料、全国1%人口抽样调查数据、人口变动情况抽样调查数据以及IPUMS数据,通过女性平均初婚年龄、曾婚比例、年龄别初婚概率、终身结婚期待率和预期单身寿命等指标探究我国女性自20世纪80年代以来的初婚模式变动情况。研究发现30多年来我国女性平均初婚年龄在波动中上升,到2017年女性平均初婚年龄已经达到25.60岁,而教育程度的提高会推迟女性进入婚姻的时间,接受过高等教育的女性平均初婚年龄明显高于未受过高等教育的女性;另外,通过对各教育程度平均初婚年龄标准化与分解看到随着时间的推移,教育对女性的平均初婚年龄影响作用增大;20-30岁年龄段女性婚姻推迟明显,曾婚比例不断降低,但女性终身未婚比例很低,其中受过高等教育的女性婚姻推迟现象最为明显,但其自身的结婚意愿并未降低,大部分女性只是推迟结婚时间,并不是不结婚。对净婚姻表各指标进行计算发现1982-2010年女性的年龄别初婚概率下降,尤其在20-30岁年龄段下降明显,初婚峰值年龄推迟,结婚年龄集中现象减弱。终身结婚期待率下降速度趋缓,随着女性初婚年龄的推迟,2010年27岁之后的终身结婚期待率要高于1990年与2000年,29-35岁女性的预期单身寿命也较前30年低,较大年龄未婚女性结婚等待时间缩短。