杜尔伯特蒙古族自治县开展农牧民蒙文扫盲工作

为了深入贯彻落实八省区蒙古语文协作领导小组第七次会议精神和《杜尔伯特蒙古族自治县自治条例》,1991年3月在敖林西伯乡唐营子蒙古族村进行了牧民蒙文扫盲试点工作。同时还在敖林西伯乡举办了乡镇干部蒙文夜校。县语委本着从实际出发,量力而行的工作原则,自编了蒙文扫盲教材,供扫盲使用。语     

浅谈我国人口较少民族的扫盲教育

扫盲教育作为新时期全面提升我国人口较少民族文化素质的重要手段,已经成为加快民族地区经济社会发展、消除民族地区贫困以及促进民族地区社会文明进步的重要途径；我国人口较少民族扫盲教育虽然取得了很大成就,但仍存在观念落后、急功近利、师资素质不高、扫盲基础不牢等问题；结合新时期人口较少民族扫盲教育的战略要求,应采取切实可行的对策措施扎实推进,使之不断迈上新台阶.     

谈谈赫哲族的扫盲教育

作为解放初期党和国家采取的提高民族文化素质的一种过渡形式的教育，扫盲教育虽然取得了令人瞩目的成就，但在民族地区迄今仍然存在着产生文盲、半文盲的社会土壤。本文认为，民族地区还应继续开展扫盲教育，其重点和难点是“抓住两头，带动中间”。要充分认识到扫盲教育的艰巨性、复杂性     

浅谈发行工作如何利用好媒体宣传

发行工作是出版社工作的重中之重,它是出版社生产资金有效运转和实现再生产的关键环节,而宣传推广又是发行工作的重中之重,通过它可以提高知名度,促进销售.现代意义上的宣传推广就是一场营销大战,媒体就是它进行立体、全方位宣传的最大、最有效的战场。     

向科学文化进军的突破口——记凉山彝族自治州以规范彝文开展扫盲工作

一个令人兴奋和回味的消息:四川省凉山彝族自治州加快了扫盲进度。全州50万彝族扫盲对象,近30万人甩掉了文盲帽子!识字,是一切文化的基础。一个文盲充斥的民族,只有从扫盲开始发展民族文化,提高民族素质,才能跻于先进民族的行列。列宁讲过:“当我们有文盲的时候是不能实现电气化的。”(《列宁选集》第4卷,第399—400页)当然,提高文化素质是艰巨的,需要较长的时间,需要坚韧     

以真心真情真干树形象——金华谈吉林民委工作

吉林省民委主任金华说 :民委的工作要找准结合点 ,做好协调工作 ;重中之重是提高少数民族干部的素质 ,关键是主动参与 ;工作要突出重点 ,宏观大事要“追”上去。为少数民族办事要实在 ,对人要真诚     

中国少数民族新创文字的变迁——评《中国少数民族新创文字应用研究》

从研究内容、研究方法、研究的理论价值与应用价值四个方面评论《中国少数民族新创文字应用研究——在学校教育及扫盲教育中使用情况的调查》一书的学术价值与贡献,认为该书是中国少数民族语言教育研究的优秀成果。     

做好新时期大学生思想政治教育工作的思考

加强和改进新形势下大学生的思想政治教育,是高校的一件大事,也是当前和今后一个时期思想政治工作的重中之重.本文针时如何做好新时期大学生思想政治教育中的若干问题进行了探索,以期在大学生思想政治教育的实际工作中能更好地加强、改进和创新.     

从“民兵队长”到中纪委书记(之三)

从“民兵队长”从“民兵队长”到中纪委书记（之三）悠悠岁月文／朱泽云１９５３年秋，中共中央政治局召开常委扩大会仪，研究如何加强文教工作问题。作为扫盲委员会党组书记的李昌列席了这次会议。同时列席会议的，还有高教部部长杨秀锋。这次会议上，毛主席讲，随着经济...     

论中国西部少数民族妇女民间工艺现代化过程中教育缺失问题

中国妇女民间工艺创作者受教育水平在东西部地区有着明显的差异.这种差异对西部少数民族妇女的创作产生许多不利影响.造成西部少数民族妇女教育缺失有主客现等原因.因此解决问题也需要多管齐下.国家要切实重视扫盲工作.政府应大力支持艺人的创作,民间组织要发挥应有的作用,与此同时.创作者本人应该加强自我教育,积极开拓人生.     

藏族幼儿家长双语态度研究——基于西藏七地市幼儿家长的数据分析

普及双语教育,提升幼儿双语能力已经成为西藏学前教育中的一项重要任务。而家长作为幼儿双语教育的主要支持者和引导者,幼儿家长的双语态度在幼儿双语教育中起着决定性作用。本研究从四个维度对西藏地区藏族幼儿家长双语态度进行分析,探究藏族幼儿家长的双语态度对幼儿双语教育的重要影响。研究结果表明:大部分城镇和农牧区幼儿家长对于幼儿学习汉语的必要性和重要性都持肯定的态度。另外分析数据显示农牧区和城镇家长所持的幼儿学习藏汉双语态度无显著差异,这为西藏幼儿双语教育的开展提供了良好的家庭环境支持。     

藏传佛教哲学思想对藏区社会和谐稳定的功用探析

The principles of the theory of de-pendence arising from emptiness of original nature;of the nature of the human mind, and, the equality of all sentient beings are important philosophical tenets held by the different schools of Tibetan Bud-dhism, and they all have profound ideological im-plication. Through various ways, including belief, promotion, advocation, and education, these three philosophical principles are subtly integrated in most Tibetan people’s ideological structure. This helps them to understand the nature of the uni-verse, purify their minds, and promote their realm of life. As a result, it helps them to deal well with human relations, the relationship between man and nature, and it promotes the harmony and stability of Tibetan society. In today’s society, although so-cial conditions have changed dramatically, these three philosophical principles still play an impor-tant role in promoting the social harmony and sta-bility in Tibetan areas.     

四川藏区宣传教育与社会稳定研究

四川藏区在以往的宣传教育工作中取得了一些显著的成绩,为维护本地区的稳定起到了积极的作用。目前,四川藏区存在着许多影响社会稳定的破坏或消极因素,在宣传教育中也存在着许多问题。为此,本文探讨了如何在反分裂反渗透、维护祖国统一、加强民族团结、提高公民意识、树立公平正义观念、增强法制观念、弘扬优秀传统文化、提升思想道德、树立正确的宗教意识和政治意识等方面加大宣传教育的力度,有针对性地提出了解决问题的对策措施。     

宗教事务依法管理的路径及基础——以四川藏区依法治理为视角

Under the situation that traditional beliefs have remained basically unchanged while the social economy has developed and population mobility has increased, with the trend of an in-creasing diversity in beliefs, and an increasing number of religious followers and temples, the management of religious affairs has become more difficult. In ethnic areas, the speed of moderniza-tion has accelerated, ethnic interactions are fre-quent, and the beneficial conflict or cultural con-flict among various ethnic groups has become nor-mal; the impact of modernity, ways of life, the value and ideals of the temples’ traditional culture and educational model brings new social pressure for the monks who are adapting to modernization, and making a leap in development while safeguard-ing traditional rituals, culture, religious education and development. The number of criminal cases involving monks has increased, which brings a strong negative influence to the religious followers in Tibetan areas. All these factors are directly in-fluencing the stability and harmonious development of the Tibetan areas. As the second-largest Tibetan area, the geo-graphical location of Sichuan’s Tibetan areas is u-nique. In ancient times, the policy of “keeping the Tibetan areas stable means keeping Kham sta-ble at first” had been an important measure for the central government to manage all of the Tibetan ar-eas. From the Qing dynasty to the present times, it still has a practical use, and even has special val-ue in the process of safeguarding the “long-term stability of Sichuan”, especially when the people have but a hazy understanding of the relationship between the freedom of faith and managing reli-gious affairs according to the law in Tibetan areas, and one needs to have a legal response to it. Hence, “keeping Kham stable” needs to depend on the law, and legal means should be taken to safeguard the harmony and stability of the Tibetan areas in Sichuan. Management of the religious affairs according to the law is an inevitable requirement for China to promote the goal of ruling the country by law, com-prehensively deepen reform, and promote the mod-ernization of the country’s governance system and capability. Based on an active response to the guidance principle of strengthening the manage-ment of religious affairs according to the law pro-posed by the Central Government, and the Sichuan Provincial Government, we should standardize reli-gious activities and affairs, insist on a combination of legal management and policy guidance, adopt various measures, search for a practicable path to realize the significant goal of managing the religious affairs according to the law in Tibetan areas of Si-chuan. This article proposes some methods of man-aging the religious affairs according to the law as follows:1 ) To insist on the CPC’s leadership in reli-gious work and management of religious affairs;2 ) to actively and reliably promote the systematic con-
struction of the legalization of religious affairs;3 ) to insist on the combination of legal management and policy guidance;4 ) to encourage the public to manage religious affairs according to law; 5 ) to standardize the scale and number of monks by u-sing new methods of management;6 ) to strengthen the role of the “four troops” ( Party and Govern-ment leading cadres,ethnic religious work cadres, ethnic minority cadres and talents, and religious believers ) , especially religious believers; 7 ) to make full use of the regulatory framework of the Buddhist community; 8 ) to create conditions for those monks who wish to return to secular life;9 ) to distinguish the boundary between normal and il-legal religious activities, between folk custom and extreme religious concepts; 10 ) to identify and distinguish between “monks and lay people”, and“ordinary cases and religious cases”. At present, there are four foundations for managing religious affairs according to the law:1 ) the idea that freedom of faith is not only one’s right, but also one’s duty has gradually enjoyed popular support;2 ) there is a good policy base for managing religious affairs according to the law;3 ) there is a relatively strong theoretical basis for managing religious affairs according to the law;4 ) there exists good legal support for managing reli-gious affairs according to the law.     

新农合对四川藏区的减贫效应分析

The New Rural Cooperative Medi-cal System ( hereafter NRCMS) in Tibetan areas of Sichuan was started in Wenchuan in 2005 , and by 2008 covered all of the province’s Tibetan areas. This paper studies the effects of the NRCMS on im-proving the health of and alleviating poverty for farmers and herdsmen in Tibetan area of Sichuan. Most parts of the Tibetan areas of Sichuan are located in high altitude districts. Thirty two coun-ties of these areas are classified as “National Pov-erty Counties”. Poverty and disease go hand in hand in these regions. Kashin-Beck disease and hydatid disease are the major endemics in the pas-toral and agro-pastoral areas of Sichuan. Endemic, infectious and chronic diseases are widespread in Sichuan’s Tibetan areas. More than 70% of pa-tients are workers from 20 to 60 years old. Disea-ses are more prevalent in women than in men. Kashin-Beck disease and hydatid disease are cur-rently incurable. Patients suffer from health prob-lems, which leads to a decrease in their income and the heavy burden of medical expenses. The new rural cooperative medical system alleviates the negative effects of farmers’ falling into, or back in-to poverty due to disease. However, the existing medical compensation mechanism is not sufficient to solve the problem. The greatest impact of NRCMS on the farmers and herdsmen in Sichuan’s Tibetan areas is that the system has gradually changed local people’s medi-cal behavior, as well as their underlying ideas a-bout medicine: they begin to believe in hospitals. In particular, more pregnant women are choosing to give birth in hospitals, which reduces the rate of infant mortality and postpartum diseases, and im-proves the health of women. Since the full coverage of the NRCMS in 2008 , the number of people participating in the system has reached the overall average level of Si-chuan province. By analyzing the data before and after the implementation of this system, and meas-uring the impact of the system on people’s health, it can be found that the NRCMS’s role in serving the vulnerable population, such as the elderly and infant children, is more marked. Since the implementation of the NRCMS, all administrative villages in Sichuan Tibetan areas have established village clinics, which solved the problem of a shortage of medicines and doctors in those areas. Farmers and herdsmen have conven-ient access to medical treatment, enhancing the ac-cessibility of medical service. After the implemen-tation of the NRCMS, the health of the elderly population in rural areas has improved. Infant mor-tality rates have dramatically fallen. The implementation of the NRCMS improved the medical service capacity of township hospitals and village clinics. And the NRCMS has brought the township hospitals and village clinics into its scope of compensation, which greatly promotes the utilization of primary medical services in Tibetan areas. The poverty reduction effect of the NRCMS can be analyzed from two aspects:Firstly, the im-
provement in health leads to increased income, be-cause good health can promote labor productivity. Meanwhile, the increase in income will in turn im-prove the overall level of health. Secondly, the in-patient and outpatient compensation rate is raised year by year, which reduces the medical fees of farmers, and prevents them from falling back into poverty.     

云南少数民族老年妇女经济保障的结构性脆弱——社会性别视角

I. The current situation of ethnic minority women’ s economic security One of the most prominent problems faced by the international community is how to ensure the e-conomic security of the elderly, and how to help those elderly people who have lost the ability to work to be properly cared for. According to Yang Shijie’s investigation, 75% of the poor population in Yunnan are ethnic minorities, and of this fig-ure, minority women are more impoverished than men. 1 . The poverty rate in Yunnan is a little bit higher than the national average poverty level. Although Yunnan’s economic indicators have made considerable progress, they have yet to reach the national average because of the province’s ho-mogenous industrial structure, low level of indus-trialization, and high proportion of resource indus-tries. The average wage of workers in Yunnan is only 85. 85% of the national average wage, and the poverty rate is higher than the national aver-age. 2 . There is a significant number of elderly women without pensions, and their poverty rate is high in Yunnan. Due to the dual urban-rural structure of the social and economic system, as well as the design issues related to the social pension security system connected with employment, the number of elderly women without pensions is quite significant in Chi-
na. In ethnic minority areas, only 24. 12% of peo-ple over the age of 60 have a pension, among them, the number of women is considerably lower than for men, accounting for only 10%. Elderly women from ethnic minorities are further excluded from the social pension security system. Only a small population of elderly ethnic women enjoy the benefits of the system, and their average monthly pension is significantly lower than that of the men. Compared with elderly men, elderly women rely more on other members of the family. 3 . The high rate of widowhood brings difficul-ties to the elderly. According to a sampling survey of 10% of the national population in 2010 , the widower ratio is 29. 55%, and widow ratio is 70. 45% among eth-nic minorities aged over 60 . Ethnic minority women devote more energy to unpaid housework in their youth and middle age, and their chances of finding employment are low. This means they normally de-pend on their spouse when they become old, how-ever, the loss of their spouse makes them even poorer, and increases their risk of falling into pov-erty. 4 . The ethnic minority women ’s property rights are difficult to be protected. Because of the influence of outmoded feudal i-deas in the ethnic minority villages, women gener-ally have no right to inherit property. For example, among the Pumi, property is inherited by the men, and women generally have no right to inherit. The
case is the same with the Naxi ethnicity. In the in-heritance systems of the ethnic minority people in Yunnan, wives rarely have the right of inherit-ance;the custom of“passing property to the men, but not the women” is still quite prevalent. If the husband dies, the wife will not only find it difficult to inherit her husband’s property, but may also lose her own property, including land rights. This leads to a low rate of property ownership among widows. II. Analysis of the causes of vulnerability of the gender structure 1 . Cultural lag American sociologist W. F. Ogburn was the first to use this concept, which refers to the time lag between material culture and non - material culture in the course of social change. Generally speaking, change in material culture occurs faster than in non -material culture, and they are not synchronized, so there is a gap between them. Ethnic minority women in Yunnan have been af-fected by the patrilineal system up to the present day, which influences the thought and behavior of all ethnic groups, and gradually builds a psycho-logical barrier in the ethnic women’ s minds, con-straining their talent and creativity. Yunnan is lo-cated in China’s southwest frontier region, and the ethnic minorities live in remote and isolated moun-tainous areas, where the concept of the low status of women is ingrained, and thus not easily changed. 2 . The cumulative effect of education and em-ployment Compared with boys, there are different edu-cational expectations on or investments in the girls in the social culture, which brings disadvantages to women looking for employment of in their youth and middle age. Because they can generally only involve themselves in housework, it is not possible for them to accumulate employment experiences, and this leads to a negative economic status when they become old. 1) Low level of education. Due to the tradi-tional influence of “valuing sons over daughters”,
the number of ethnic minority women who have not attended school is significantly higher than that of men; the number of ethnic minority women who have never received an education is more than twice as high as the number of men. The phenome-non of early marriage and childbearing in ethnic minority areas is still prominent. Due to the influ-ence of early marriage culture, the girls do not generally wish to receive a higher education. Addi-tionally, because of the development of tourism, girls tend to drop out of school very early and in-volve themselves in business or becoming tour guides. All these factors lead to ethnic minority women’s lower level of education. Because they do not receive a higher, or even elementary educa-tion, women’s lives are concentrated around the family and housework. 2 ) Devotion to housework. The elderly ethnic minority women not only have to take part in agri-cultural production, but they also have to take care of the “left-behind” children whose parents have left to work in urban areas. For instance, De’ang women play an important role in family, social and economic activities; they have to bear the load of heavy housework every day, including carrying wa-ter, collecting firewood, cooking, feeding pigs, cattle and children, weaving, washing clothes and farming. The Bulang women, together with the men, have created the ancient Bulang culture, and women play the role of “main tentpole” in the housework and farming. According to our investi-gations of the Yi in Chuxiong of Yunnan province, Yi women spend on average over six hours each day on housework, and most men almost never par-ticipate in housework. 3 ) Unemployment or low paid occupation. Ethnic minority women’s degree of participation in social labor is low, however, their housework du-ties are taken for granted, and not recognized by the wider society, so their labor value is underesti-mated, even ignored. Due to their low level of ed-ucation and contribution to unpaid housework, a lot of ethnic minority women are unemployed. E-
ven though a small number of them are in employ-ment, their jobs are concentrated in the low in-come industries, and few of them are supported by social insurance. 3 . Traditional gender roles in the division of labor Because of the traditional gender roles in the division of labor, the social expectations for the women’s role is still family-centered. This means women have to bear a lot of housework duties and child rearing responsibilities. Due to women’s spe-cial physiological characteristics, women have a double burden: the responsibility of human pro-duction and social production. However, under the influence of gender inequality, women who have made great contributions to the development of so-ciety and humanity have been subjected to unfair treatment. Their contribution is regarded as a bur-den unique to women or indeed the women’s natu-ral weakness, and can even become a discrimina-tory factor in employment and promotion—this is a great injustice to women. In summary, it seems that the structure of the fragility of elderly ethnic minority women is a sim-ply an issue of sex difference, but it essentially re-flects the social system and conceptual culture of“valuing sons over daughters” which is ingrained in the minority areas, and is an issue of gender in-equality. III. Countermeasures and suggestions The elderly ethnic minority women are a spe-cial group in China’s aging population. This group shows a structural vulnerability due to such as in-fluences of ethnicity and regional location, eco-nomic conditions, educational level, marital sta-tus. From the perspective of social gender, this paper studies the economic security status of ethnic aged women, analyzes the problems of economic security for this group, and puts forward some poli-cy recommendations for improving the economic se-curity situation of the elderly women in ethnic mi-nority areas. 1 . The state should increase investment in tye economic development of ethnic minority areas in order to provide more jobs and solve the problem of employment of women. Economic development in the minority areas could provide adequate economic security to improve the living conditions of the eld-erly women in those areas. 2 . The concept of gender equality needs to be strengthened. Women should enjoy equal rights in education, and equal employment opportunities as men, as well as equal rights in the husband-wife relationship. In addition, we cannot simply take each gender as exactlythe same, but should under-stand the psychological and physiological difference between men and woman, and pursue gender e-quality in terms of society, personality, opportuni-ties, and rights. 3 . National policy should afford some recogni-tion to women and their capacity for childbirth. Due to physiological factors, women have to take the responsibility of childbirth and feeding the child, however, they also have to work . Women’s contributions to the family will inevitably lead to their inferior position in terms of social professional competition. Therefore, when policies are drawn up, the physiological characteristics of men and women should be considered, moreover, gender awareness and gender equality should be a part of various policies. 4 . Policies should protect women’s employ-ment rights, and ethnic minority areas should en-courage women to go out to work. The state should make policies to protect women’s employment rights, solve the problem of sexual discrimination which might exist in the workplace, and create e-qual employment opportunities so as to reduce the probability of elderly women from ethnic minority areas becoming impoverished . 5 . Improve the urban and rural pension sys-tem, and improve women’s pension insurance cov-erage rate.     

藏族农民享有政治权利的微观实证研究——以四川省甘孜藏族自治州丹巴县巴底乡沈洛村为例

以四川省甘孜藏族自治州丹巴县巴底乡沈洛村藏族农民作为调查考察对象,研究藏族农民享有的政治权利。事实表明,平等和充分地行使选举权和被选举权,是沈洛村藏族农民的政治权利得以实现的根本保障。在人民代表大会制度下行使民主权利,是藏族农民享有政治权利的主要内容。在民族区域自治制度下享有自治权利,是藏族农民享有政治权利的重要表现。在各种组织中行使民主权利,是沈洛村藏族农民享有政治权利的有效途径。沈洛村藏族农民实现政治权利的过程,既充分体现了藏族农民的权利意识在改革开放中得到了提升,也充分展示了中国宪法权利在改革开放过程中不断完善的巨大成就。随着中国民主进程的不断推进,随着政治知情权以及农村党组织建设的不断完善,藏族农民享有的政治权利将会进一步发展与进步。     

民族团结进步政策创新的若干建议——基于江苏省民族工作经验的调查

民族团结进步事业是民族散杂居地区一项复杂而艰巨的任务。新世纪以来,江苏省民族团结进步事业的发展面临着少数民族流动人口逐年增多、城市少数民族贫困人口有所增加、城市清真网点建设困难、民族工作机构和制度有待加强等新情况。通过调查,我们认为应该更新理念,深化民族工作的社会化发展;进一步健全民族工作机构建设;大力推进全国性社区民族工作的开展;切实加强流动人口服务管理;要加大清真网点扶持管理力度;鼓励民族团结宣传教育和创建活动的创新。     

三星堆青铜纵目面具与铜兽首冠人像的藏文化解读

This article is the fourth article re-lated to the research of “Zhangzhung·rGyalron· Sanxingdui and Jinsha”—Tibetan cultural interpre-tations of relics unearthed in Sanxingdui and Jin-sha. The main focus of the article is Tibetan cul-tural interpretations of the vertical-eyed bronze mask and the copper statue of a man with an ani-mal head crown in Sanxingdui Museum. 1 . Vertical-eyed bronze mask and Miwo Lon-glong The bronze cultural relics unearthed in Sanx-ingdui or even Jinsha have broad and deep links to ancient Tibetan culture. The vertical-eyed bronze mask is the most typical of the numerous bronze objects depicting human heads. In the following discussion, we would like to give an interpretation of the symbolic meaning of the bronze objects de-picting human heads. In order to draw inferences about other cases from one instance, we would like to choose two typical cases: choosing the vertical-eyed bronze mask as our model of cultural relic, and choosing langshi jiazu ( the Lang family clan) as our model of Tibetan ancient literature. It is generally stated that the eyes of the verti-cal-eyed bronze mask kept in Sanxingdui museum roughly meets the appearance of the Shu people ’ s ancestors, the Cancong, who are recorded as hav-ing “vertical eyes” in the historical books. Some people also believe that “vertical eyes” means“upright eyes”, just like the eye in the forehead of the God Erlang in Chinese ancient myth, so the image might be a statue of an ancestor god. Addi-tionally, some connect it with the frontlet of kuilong ( a sacred dragon in Chinese myth ) , and believe that it is related to zhulong( another sacred dragon in Chinese myth) who has a human head, a dragon ( snake) body, and “upright eyes”. Langshi Jiazu is an important document for studying the political and religious unification sys-tem in Tibetan areas during the Yuan, Ming and Qing dynasties, meanwhile, it is also an essential material for the study of the Gesar Epic. Langshi Jiazu was published by Xizang renmin chubanshe ( Tibet People ’ s Publishing House ) for the first time in May, 1986, and the whole book is com-posed of three parts. From the perspective of the ancient Indian centralism and Tibetan centralism, Langshi Jiazu has many unique parts, and its con-tent has an unusual connection with rGyarong in the southeastern part of Tibetan areas. For in-stance , the content of the fist part is very similar to shengniao xiongqiongwang zhuang ( Biography of the Sacred Bird Garuda) recently discovered in the rGyarong area. There is a myth in Langshi Jiazu, and the sto-ry is very common in Bon literature. The academic circle calls it the Bon religion’ s view on the crea-tion of world—the universe is oviparous. Most scholars believe that the view of oviparous creation of the world in Bon religion might be Tibetan peo-ple’ s own cognition. We provide translations to some content included in the Langshi Jiazu, and compare them with the vertical-eyed bronze mask, and notice some information which has been ig-
nored by the current academic circle. For in-stance, the vertical-eyed bronze mask symbolizes“”, Chinese phonetic translation Miwo Longlong, which means “may all your wishes be-come truth”. 2 . Copper statue of a man with an animal head crown in the Bon Religion The copper statue of a man with an animal head crown kept in Sanxingdui Museum is not com-plete, with only the upper part of the body remai-ning. The statue wears an animal head crown. On the two sides of the top crown, there stands two an-imal ears, in between of which there is a curly decoration which looks like an elephant ’ s nose. Apart from the previously-mentioned characteris-tics of the sacred bird Gaguda, the copper statue of a man with an animal head crown also has several other outstanding features, for instance, its crown and posture. The crown is not only high, but also has a rectangular hole, on the top of which there are three long strips. The statue is posed in a grasping gesture. This paper gives firstly an overall interpreta-tion of the copper statue of a man with an animal head crown according to the shengniao xiongqiong-wang zhuang, then gives a Tibetan cultural inter-pretation of the details of the statue. Concerning the knowledge of the three long strips on the crown of the copper statue, this article finds some clues from the angle of philology and archaeology, and proves that the origin of this crown is the sacred hat in Bon religion of Tibet. Moreover, this article also discusses the reason why the crown has these three strips on top of it. The author mentions that it is related to the sacred bird Garuda, and the three strips respectively represent the two wings and horn of the bird. In other words, the strips on the right and left side symbolizes the bird opening its wings and viewing the world, while the strip in the mid-
dle symbolizes that the sacred bird is male, not fe-male. From one aspect, the head dress of adult women in the rGyarong area symbolizes the sacred bird Garuda, and from another aspect, in Tibetan culture, including rGyarong culture, only the sa-cred male bird Garuda has the horn. That means the sacred bird Garuda with a horn must be a male one. Concerning the vertical-eyed bronze mask and the copper statue of a man with an animal head crown unearthed in Sanxingdui, there are still many details that need to be explored, and also we feel that it could be differently interpreted. Howev-er, due to the limitations of space, we will not do a long discussion here, but we do hope that from the examples provided in this article, one can draw inferences about other cases from this one in-stance.     

从东方到西方——一个布里亚特藏医世家的医学传播史

藏医学作为一重要的欧亚传统医学体系,其传统的传播区域不仅包括青藏高原和邻近的喜玛拉雅山地区,随着藏传佛教的传播,到18世纪时在蒙古文化所影响地域藏医学也已经成为主流医学。19世纪50年代,一个偶然的机会,贝加尔湖地区的一位布里亚特藏医白玛次成首次将藏医学带到了沙皇俄国首都圣彼得堡,并在上至沙皇宫廷,下至普通俄罗斯民众中产生了很大的影响。其家族成员后来又将藏医逐渐西向传播到波兰、瑞士等欧洲其它地区,甚至远及北美,演绎出一段鲜为人知的医学传播史。本文通过对白玛家族百年藏医传播史的回顾,重现藏医学在近代如何传播到欧洲,并在新的土地上开花结果的过程。