美国当代外来移民对城市的影响

从20世纪末开始,美国的外来移民人数逐年攀升,2005年已经达到3520万人,占美国总人口的12.1%。①这些外来移民主要定居在大城市,他们对美国的城市人口、劳动力市场和城市发展产生了什么样的影响?他们与城市黑人的关系又是怎样?这些将是本文关注的问题。一、外来移民改变了美国城     

亚洲城市移民:中国、韩国和马来西亚三国的比较

从对人口迁移有影响的都市化和工业化进程、移民政策、国家政策、经济发展水平等不同的层面,比较和分析了中国、韩国以及马来西亚等三个亚洲国家的城市移民之间的差异:韩国的城市化水平最高,其集聚经济效应也最高,人口迁移的驱动力较强.马来西亚的城市化水平中等,其集聚经济效应较高,人口迁移的驱动力中等.中国应该提高城市的集聚经济效应、减少国内移民政策的限制和缩短城市移民的适应过程,由此,加速城市化进程,以便解决城市贫民问题.     

五大洲的民族分布

地球上的居民,一般都是按民族聚居的。各族人民混杂居住的情况,首先是发生在民族接界地区。如果相毗邻的民族在语言、文化和生活方式上又很接近,那么,民族混杂的现象就会突出一些。在多民族国家内部,经济发达地区的民族成分要比落后地区复杂;城市里的民族成分要比农村复杂。在那些移民国家,这一点显得更加明显,因为绝大多数外来移民都定居在城市里。在美国城市人口中,未被同化的外来移民所占比重,要高于全国     

二十世纪加拿大的移民状况回顾与展望

20世纪大批移民涌入加拿大 ,他们对加拿大的经济产生了重大影响 ,也带来了人口的变化和加拿大民族结构的改变。本文根据加拿大政府 1 996年人口普查的统计结果及其他相关数据 ,回顾了 2 0世纪加拿大外来移民的状况 ,着重论述了近期外来移民的类型及其分布、就业、受教育程度、语言能力等方面的特点 ,并展望了移民对加拿大未来人口发展的影响。     

元明清时期广西地区的外来移民

历史上广西地区外来移民不断,对当地社会的发展影响深远。本文通过文献资料,对元明清时期广西外来移民的方式、来源及民族构成等进行系统的考察研究,并对其产生的作用、影响作出了分析和评价。     

外生型城市化模式下的市场经济与族群互动——以西藏昌都的昌庆街为例

援建和汉族移民贡献的外生型城市化模式是西藏昌都城市化发展的主要特点.特别是自然地理条件和城市历史积淀的不足导致昌都本地居民在生活资料、生产资料以及精神文化消费品等方面对内地汉族移民的高度依赖.而汉族移民的高流动性以及汉藏族群之间巨大的文化差异,又使汉族移民与本地藏族在市场经济共同体之下的互动关系,呈现出一种孤立、脆弱、不稳定的特点.汉族移民与本地藏族在主观意愿、社交网络、文化认知和传统方面的区隔依然存在.     

浅析缅甸华人的公民资格问题

随着全球化的迅速发展,特别是移民的增加,民族国家的边界日益受到挑战。东道主国家在考虑外来移民归化入籍的诉求时,并不总是做出接纳或拒绝的二元选择。一些国家赋予外来移民公民资格,但只给予其"半公民资格"或"差别公民资格"。华人、印度人等外来移民虽然被缅甸政府接纳归化入籍,但并不被给予"完全的成员资格"。缅甸公民法规定,华人是缅甸的"二等或三等"公民,其在政治权利、公民社会权利和公民权利等方面均处于不平等的地位。作为外来移民,华人享有的"差异公民资格"不仅是对华人个人或群体的不公平,更阻碍了缅甸民族国家的建构和公民国家认同的形成。     

冷战后美国工会对外来移民的态度变化探析

在美国工会运动的历史上,美国工会一直对移民工人持排斥和反对的态度,然而,自20世纪90年代中期开始,其态度却发生了截然不同的变化。一、冷战后美国工会对外来移民的态度变化美国工会对外来移民的态度有一个变化过程:由排斥移民到接纳移民,并为之争取权益。在整个冷战时期,美国工会对外来移民的态度倾向于排挤。其最突出的表现是,1986年,美国最大的工会组织劳联—产联①表示支持排挤、阻止移民的《移民改革和控制法案》。《移民改革和控制法案》又称为《辛普森—罗迪诺法案》,其目的是限制非法移民入境。该法案禁止雇主雇用非法移民,对首次…     

移民与近代上海回民社会(1849—1959)

回族是上海最重要的少数民族群体。从19世纪中期到20世纪中期百年时间内,其人数由数百人发展到近三万人规模,绝大部分都是由外地迁入的移民组成。本文从人口数量、移民类型和在城市中的空间分布三个角度对这一群体进行考察,从近代城市化的视角下,进一步探讨在中国近代社会转型过程中的回民群体的适应性措施。     

三江源生态移民的生活状况与社会适应——以格尔木市长江源生态移民点为例

文章通过急促城市化过程中三江源生态移民生活状态和社会适应的分析,讨论了制度性急促城市化带给生态移民观念的影响与变迁.认为虽然两年多的城市化进程导致生态移民的"心理振荡"和"边际人格",但由于生态移民的社会流动与分化现象较少,职业分化与异质性不深,观念的理性化、世俗化进程较慢,生活方式的现代性、多元化特征尚未成型,移民的生活方式仍然有着浓郁的传统性特征,城市化进程尚处于初级状态.     

The paradox of integration and isolation within immigrant organisations: the case of a Latin American Association in Israel

Most immigrant organisations aim to facilitate the integration of immigrants into the host society while seeking to preserve their cultural heritage. In order to explore the tension between these two apparently opposite processes within immigrant organisations, a case study was carried out on the Organization of Latin American Immigrants in Israel (OLEI). The research question focuses on how, and to what extent, OLEI contributes to the integration of Latin American immigrants into Israeli society and how, and to what extent, it contributes to their isolation. The findings indicate that while individual services promote the integration of Latin American immigrants into Israeli society, communal services both isolate and integrate them simultaneously. To address this paradox, I suggest an interpretation of this process as ‘integration through isolation’, since OLEI socially isolates immigrants, but at the same time integrates them into the host society by providing Israeli culture in Spanish.     

Israel's immigration policies: the twofold face of the ‘demographic threat’

This article deals with the discursive practices employed in various public sites of Israeli society to support and legitimise the immigration policy towards prospective immigrants from the Former Soviet Union (FSU) from 1989 to 1990. During those years Israeli society witnessed one of the country's biggest immigration waves. However, like many state policies, Israel's immigration policy towards prospective immigrants from the FSU has not been carried out uncontested. There were vibrant and often heated public disputes concerning this policy. The purpose of the article is to reveal the racist attitudes of Israeli society expressed in the discursive practices that have been employed to support immigration from the FSU in these public disputes. Assuming an inextricable combination of old and new racism, these practices — involving processes of adverse racialisation of Arabs and Mizrahi Jews — have portrayed them as a demographic threat to Israeli society, a threat that can be forestalled by the admission of prospective immigrants from the FSU. However, the fact that these processes are not directed only against Arabs but also against Mizrahi Jews discloses some of Zionism's inner tensions and ambivalence. It challenges the thesis advanced by Lustick, for instance, that the exclusive goal of Israel's immigration policies is to marginalise and to contain the Palestinian minority by allowing the entrance of non‐Jews to Israel as long as they are not Arabs. Not disputing the immensely significant role that the goal of Palestinian containment plays in Israel's immigration policies, I intend to show that this goal exists alongside a perception of Mizrahim as a ‘demographic threat’ to Israel's ‘European character’.     

Terror, Resource Gains and Exclusionist Political Attitudes among New Immigrants and Veteran Israelis

This study analyses the antecedents of exclusionist political attitudes towards Palestinian citizens of Israel among Israeli immigrants from the former Soviet Union in comparison to Old Jewish Israelis (OJI). A large-scale study of exclusionist political attitudes was conducted in the face of ongoing terrorism in Israel through telephone surveys carried out in September 2003 with 641 OJI and 131 immigrants. The main goal of the survey was to estimate the influence of perceived loss and gain of resources-as a consequence of terror-on attitudes towards Palestinian Israelis, while controlling for other relevant predictors of exclusionism-i.e. authoritarianism or threat perception. Findings obtained via interaction analyses and structural equation modelling show that a) immigrants display higher levels of exclusionist political attitudes towards Palestinian citizens of Israel than OJI; b) loss of resources, authoritarianism, and hawkish (rightist) worldviews predict exclusionist political attitudes among both immigrants and non-immigrants; c) failure to undergo post-traumatic growth (resource gain) in response to terrorism (e.g. finding meaning in life, becoming closer to others) is a significant predictor of exclusionist political attitudes only among immigrants.     

From ‘Russianness’ to ‘Israeliness’ through the landscape of the soul: therapeutic discourse in the practice of immigrant absorption in Israel with ‘Russian’ adolescents

This article explores the increasing incorporation of professional therapeutic knowledge and practices into the state-led apparatus of absorption of new immigrants in Israel. Singling out this phenomenon is the seemingly unexpected alliance between the therapeutic ethos, which leans on individualist, a-national and universal values, and state-led absorption practices, based on a Zionist, collectivist and local ethos. According to the Zionist ethos, the newcomer ‘returning to an historical homeland’ is expected to become part of a territorially bounded collective entity and to adopt a new national identity that will predominate over other identities. The therapeutic ethos undermines moral authorities promoting collective redemption through identification with community goals and challenges a patronizing attitude towards new immigrants. Analysing the rhetoric and practice of Na'aleh – a decade-and-a-half-old project for adolescents immigrating from the former Soviet Union, characterized by a ‘therapeutic absorption policy’, this article examines the meaning of ‘therapeutic’ absorption in shaping a new Israeli citizen within the current social context. In order to clarify the historical uniqueness of this phenomenon, Na'aleh's absorption paradigm is compared to Youth Aliyah – the project that absorbed youngsters in a distinctly different ideological period of Israeli history (early 1940s), particularly with regard to the status of Zionism. A locus of comparison is the perceptions of the absorbing personnel and the absorbed immigrants in both ventures. The main claim of this article is that the psychologizing of the absorption apparatus both challenges and fortifies the traditional role of statist Zionism under global, postmodern conditions, typified by the erosion of the nation-state and questioning the moral status of its constitutive ethos. Therapeutic absorption transforms the newcomer into the object of therapeutic intervention rather than assimilative education. However, it simultaneously enables the ‘Russian’ teenagers from a ‘pre-therapeutic society’ to internalize a ‘therapeutic habitus’, which grants them the skills and competency to become a ‘local’ and to attain symbolic goods significant in their new social environment. Therapeutic personnel, characterized by emotional skills and cultural proximity to the absorbed pupils, rather than ideological identification with Zionist project, serve as a newer version of traditional agents of Israeli socialization, by virtue of their own unique course of absorption in Israel that blends the process of ‘becoming Israeli’ with socialization into a professional/therapeutic culture.     

Post‐Zionist orientalism? Orientalist discourse and Islamophobia among the Russian‐speaking intelligentsia in Israel

This article attempts to shed light on a special kind of Orientalist discourse that circulates in Russian‐Israeli literature and press. This discourse feeds on the cultural sources buried in the Russian‐Soviet imperialist discourse about ‘Russia’s Orient', which has been articulated by modern Russian literature, including prominent Russian‐Jewish authors, and corresponds to the racially grounded discursive practices currently widespread in post‐Soviet Russia with regard to natives of the Caucasus and Central Asia. The article investigates the ways of transferring Orientalist concepts from the (post‐)Soviet cultural experience to the Israeli one, identifying the Orientalist discourse's dual role in shaping the immigrants' self‐awareness on two levels, the local and the global. On the local level, the Russian‐Israeli intelligentsia deploys ‘Soviet‐made’ Orientalist interpretative tools to read and decipher the reality of a new country, by presenting it as a familiar reality. Identifying and labeling the local Orientals — the Palestinians on the one hand and the Mizrahi Jews on the other — by means of negative concepts borrowed from the Russian‐Soviet Orientalist repertoire, a Russian‐Israeli intellectual locates her/himself within the Eurocentric Ashkenazi component of Israeli society. On the global level, the extreme Islamophobic rhetoric of the Russian‐Israeli Orientalist discourse, according to which today Israel and Russia, as well as the West, all share a common Islamic ‘enemy’, enables a Russian‐Israeli intellectual on the one hand to reassert her/his cultural ties with her/his country of origin, and on the other to heighten the validity of her/his self‐image as part of Western culture.     

Variations of identities among the leaders of a minority group of immigrants

This paper discusses the complex identity of Kessoch immigrants in Israel. One group of Kessoch is regarded as ‘young’ and the other as ‘old’. These are two ‘invisible’ groups, which cope in their own way with their social and cultural marginality. They are delegitimized within both Israeli society and the religious establishment. Among the older Kessoch, the authors differentiated between those who have found new meaning for their life in Israel, while attempting to preserve significant ‘scraps of identity’, and those who are disconnected from their present-day life materials and find little meaning in them. In contrast, the younger Kessoch, 1.5-generation immigrants, express varied behaviour patterns of daily resistance to the host society. Their personalities and leadership patterns also indicate selective adoption of significant bits of reality that suit them. Their intelligent use of ‘scraps of identity’ serves their social integration processes.     

Performing colonial sovereignty and the Israeli ‘separation’ wall

As a structure that does not mark an actual border and is constructed primarily on occupied territory, the Israeli ‘separation’ wall is a unique space that functions as both border and borderlands. Here, I explore the wall as a performance of sovereignty which simultaneously constructs and de-constructs imaginings of the Israeli nation-state. On the one hand, I contend that the wall is a colonial production that draws a psychic line between a ‘civilised in here’ and ‘uncivilised out there’, fulfilling the double function of forging a perceived bounded, protective national enclosure at the same time as buttressing the necessity of controlling territory beyond the bounds of that enclosure. On the other hand, I argue that the complex relationship between settler and state materialised in the wall points to a blending of theology and politics in Israel, which threatens to empower a God-sanctioned politics that undermines state. In addition to promoting anxiety of the Palestinian ‘out there’, then, the wall is understood as also fostering an anxiety increasingly turned inward to the structures of the Israeli state itself.     

Identity and gender in cultural transitions: returning home from higher education as ‘internal immigration’ among Bedouin and Druze women in Israel

This paper examines the phenomenon of the return of Bedouin and Druze women from studies in Israeli universities to their homes and culture, focusing on the perspective of the psychological changes they experienced in their identity. Entering the university, located in the Jewish-Israeli space (in central cities in Israel), constitutes entry into a new and different cultural world that exposes these women to values and norms different from those of their culture of origin. The identity formed as a result of their encounter with and exposure to a world that was unfamiliar to them and the return thereafter to their villages entail changes in gender identity. Not only are they ‘different’ from the way they were before they left; they often feel like ‘internal immigrants’ within their own culture. A deeper understanding of these effects would enhance comprehension of the emotional processes and identity changes undergone by women from non-Western cultures who obtain higher education.     

美国华人新移民第二代及其身份认同

美国华人新移民的子女,即美国华人新移民第二代的身份认同复杂而多样,不同群体之间有所差异。家庭环境、学校教育、生活环境以及社会中的偏见均是导致其身份认同不同的因素。外界不可强求他们认同某种身份,美国社会应尊重和理解差异认同,而作为祖籍国的中国应提高综合国力以吸引他们培养情感倾向性的认同。