亲属制度研究的另一路径——姻亲关系研究述评

文章从亲属制度研究的不足出发,指出姻亲关系研究的可能性和必要性,并对姻亲关系研究史进行简要述评。目前学界对姻亲关系的研究主要涉及两个方面。对姻亲关系社会层面的研究,侧重于姻亲之间的社会交往方面,特别考察姻亲交往的仪式层面以及日常生活中的经济往来。但是,如果要全面研究姻亲之间的社会性往来,通婚圈就必然是一个具有限定意义的前提,可以被看作是一种社会文化网络的黏合方式。对通婚圈的研究集中在其定义、范围、变迁以及功能几个方面,由于更多偏重于地理范围,因而对内部家庭之间、家族甚至村落之间的互动涉足较少,忽略了人们在其中的主动建构与文化选择。对于姻亲关系的某一方面的偏重,为学界再研究留下了大量的空白和机会。     

“欠”与“还”:桂北侗族村寨交往与民俗规则

"月也"是侗族地区一种重要的民俗活动,其主要内容可简单分为宴请与娱乐两部分,涉及"吃"与"被吃","表演"与"观看",通过这样的关系转换,侗族人群交往背后相互宴请与娱乐的交换机制得以展现出来。双方之间的交往活动以猪头礼物的"欠"与"还"标记出来,形成一套互惠性计算的逻辑,这个过程中的礼物交换及其展演的文化象征代表着村寨之间交往关系的确立和维系。"欠"与"还"的运作,植根于各民族交往过程中所产生的一套共享的规则体系。虽然"月也"本身限定在侗族的村寨之间,但是其背后的民俗规则超越了民族界限,适用于地区内的多个族群,从而整合出某种超越族群的民俗文化。     

壮族的亲属制度

壮族的亲属制度李富强所谓亲属，是指以真实的或虚拟的血亲关系和姻亲关系为基础的社会关系。血亲是指父母子女、兄弟姐妹等有血缘关系的亲属，以及由血缘关系推衍出去的堂兄弟姐妹及其子女。姻亲是通过婚姻而结成的夫妇、亲家。岳父母等亲属，以及由此延伸出去的妻之兄弟...     

木雅地区社会组织“居巴”的开放性与各民族交融的社会基础

文化交融和社会交融发生于多民族交往交流交融的过程中。善于处理人口流动，能够提供更多融入机制的社会组织具有一定的开放性，可以促进社会交融发生。文章基于对四川省甘孜藏族自治州木雅地区的调查，认为青藏高原的人口流动是一种常态，因而讨论各民族交往交流交融时，需要重视基层社会组织如何根据外来人口的来源和流动方式提供融入机制。木雅地区处于青藏高原交通要道，人口流动频繁，为了加快外来者融入当地社会，其社会组织“居巴”形成了一套有效的处理原则。首先，“居巴”在当地被表述为一个血缘亲属团体，但“居巴”的双边继嗣特点可以在一定程度上削弱其血缘排斥性，从而有效扩大亲属范围。其次，基于“居巴”形成的“亲戚”,是一个以姻亲关系联结的亲属网络，它通过对“居巴”继承关系的肯定和与新建“居巴”形成姻亲关系两重方式，将外来人口继承或者新建的“居巴”完全接纳到“亲戚”群体中，以完成外来者融入当地社会的过程。总体而言，“居巴”是既能吸纳外来人口加入，又能持续保持社会稳定性的社会组织，在这一意义上对外来人口具有开放性，利于不同来源、不同身份的外来人口融入，是促进当地各民族交往交流交融的社会基础。     

寡妇沉默习俗

在世界许多民族中,一个家庭成员的死亡往往要使亲属们承担遵守某些规定的义务,这些规定的主要用意是对已成习惯的自由作某种限制。生者与死者之间血缘关系愈近,限制就愈严格和繁难。服从这些规定的人们往往不知道禁令的目的。然而诸多事实使我们得出结论:许多禁令是出于对死者灵     

阶序格局下的祭司与国王——评路易·杜蒙的“古代印度的王权观念”

路易?杜蒙的“古代印度的王权观念”一文是论述印度世俗化王权观念的重要文本。杜蒙指出等级阶序是印度社会价值观念之核心,在阶序格局中祭司与国王的二分等级关系体现了地位与权力、宗教与王权、祭祀与巫术、价值与政治等社会范畴的“理想型”关系。所以要理解印度王权观念世俗化过程中生成的个体主义、契约理论和政治经济范畴,必须基于对“阶序”这一意识形态的社会学意义之理解上,以一种比较的视野来展开。     

回娘家习俗与嫁女身份的转变——兼论民俗文化的协调功能

文章以近几年在晋、冀、鲁乡村获得的口述资料和参与观察资料为例,探讨华北地区嫁女回娘家习俗(主要涉及嫁女回娘家的节日禁忌,娘家迎接嫁女回娘家以及嫁女在不同场合下主动回娘家)对嫁女与娘家、婆家之间的关系以及联姻家族之间关系的影响,指出了该习俗在姻亲交往体系中的特殊意义.在论述华北地区嫁女回娘家习俗对调节人际关系之意义的基础之上,进而讨论民俗文化在协调人际关系方面的特殊意义.     

嫁妆来源及象征的多样性分析

本文以山东南部一个村落的田野资料为基础,表明嫁妆的有无与价值的多少并非一个单纯的经济问题,它与女子在接受妻子集团的生活、与两个联姻家族之间的姻亲关系息息相关。文章重点展示了嫁妆的来源以及象征的多样性,同时指出,从民俗的角度而言,嫁妆不是女性的财产继承方式,她的继承权始终是和婚姻捆绑在一起的。     

亲属网络与性别建构--以红山峪村为例

红山峪村①村民的亲属关系,除了同一宗族关系以及姻亲关系②之外,还有仪式亲属,即干亲和结拜带来的结拜兄弟、结拜姊妹这两种亲属关系.本文还以同学关系以及近年来由于外出就业产生的朋友关系以及制度化的同事关系为佐证,分析一个村落的男女两性的亲属网络,指出造成男女两性亲属关系差异的根本原因在于从夫居制度以及社会性别制度.     

尼日利亚加巴族的死人节

在我们这个非洲国家人口最多的尼日利亚,共有250多个民族。这些民族的文化生活、风俗习惯都各有差异,别有风趣。就拿加巴族来说、民族虽小,但有自己的一套习俗,他们悼念死者的仪式更让人感到离奇。加巴族的人死了,不论是男的还是女的,死者所有亲属都来到他(她)家里,为他(她)举行葬礼。这种葬礼异常隆重。当所有亲属到齐后,就开始敲鼓,随着有节奏的鼓声,众人边歌边舞。歌词是颂扬死者生     

敦煌文书中所见的古代丧仪

本文介绍敦煌莫高窟发现的数万卷敦煌文书中丧礼的"丧仪"部 分,从初死、告丧、奔丧与吊唁、殓、出殡、葬仪等几个方面加以论述。     

贵州喀斯特墓葬与民族地区的殡葬改革

Funeral and interment reform is a social revolution of changing customs and tradi-tions, which is conducive to promoting the con-struction of the socialist material, spiritual and ec-ological civilization. The replacement of burial with cremation is the direction of China’s reform on fu-neral and interment traditions. The reform itself is put forward by aiming at the disadvantages of the Han people’s traditional burial custom, however, Guizhou is a typical karst region in China, in which several forms of karst burial have existed throughout history, such as cliff coffins, cave tombs, and sarcophagi, and these customs have been continued to some certain degree up to now. Therefore, how to manage the relation between cre-mation and karst burials has a significant meaning to the respect of the ethnic minorities’ customs and promoting the funeral and interment reform in eth-nic regions. The Binzang guanli tiaoli ( Funeral and inter-ment management regulations) issued by the State Council in 1997 stipulates that “ the objective of the funeral and interment management is to carry out cremation, reform burial, save the interment land, abolish undesirable customs related to the fu-nerals and interment actively and methodically, and advocate civilized and thrifty funerary prac-tices”. That is to say, the original intentions for promoting cremation in the funeral and interment reform for many years include the advocating of thrifty funerals, reducing the burden of funerals on the masses, changing the people’s concept of luxu-rious burials, and saving the cost of funeral in the aspect of economy;banishing superstitions, getting rid of bad habits, and opposing the feudal dross in the aspect of culture; and saving resources and protecting limited cultivated land in the aspect of ecology. In general, the abolition of burial and im-plementation of cremation has become the reform direction of China’s funeral and interment system. Guizhou is a typical karst area in China. There are various forms of cliff-burying, rock tombs, sarcophagi, and cave tombs etc. , especial-ly the cave-burial which is still popular among the Waishu Miao at Taohua village in Qibo township, Pingba County and among the Qing Yao at Yaolu village in Libo County, and sarcophagus burial which is still popular among the Li clan of the Waishu Miao at Xinyi village in Guangzhao town-ship, Qinglong County. These structures reflect the karst characteris-tics of Guizhou tombs, and have an important eco-logical value. The funeral and interment reform is put forward by aiming at the drawbacks of the tra-ditional burial practices of the Han, so if the cliff burial or sarcophagus tombs which have ecological value had been forced to be replaced with crema-tion in the funeral and interment reform, it will lead to an embarrassing situation which is contrary to the original intention of the reform no matter if we consider it from cultural, economic or ecologi-cal viewpoints. Firstly, it will cause a dilemma at the cultural level. We must consider the characteristics of the funeral customs of the ethnic groups during the process of reforming the funeral and interment cus-toms in the ethnic minority areas, in other words, respect the funeral customs of ethnic minorities, as it is an important content of the CCP and the state’s policy for respecting the customs and habits of eth-nic minorities. Due to the differences in geograph-ical environment and social economy, the ethnic minorities have different funeral customs with their own characteristics. These funeral customs, as a part of ethnic culture, help to construct a ritual with a kind of ethnic identity;it is the mark of na-tional culture, which embodies ethnic emotions and maintains ethnic consciousness. The ‘univer-sal application’ in the funeral and interment sys-tem reform doubtlessly make the disappearance of karst characteristics in Guizhou’s burial culture, the diversified burial way has been replaced with single cremation, and that is not good for the pro-tection of cultural diversity. Secondly, it will cause an economic dilemma. One of the purposes of the funeral and intermentre-form is to save funeral costs, and change the con-cept of organizing luxury funerals. The traditional burial custom contains a set of complex funeral cer-emony, which is organized in a very luxurious way, spend a lot of money and increase the people’s economic burden. In contrast, cremation can save costs. However in today’s rural areas, af-ter cremation, the ashes are still buried after being put into a coffin, so it not only increases the eco-nomic burden of the people, but also does not meet the purpose for farmland conservation, hence, it is contrary to the original intention of the funeral re-form, and also causes dissatisfaction among the people. Therefore, compared with cremation, sar-cophagus and cave burial which are still popular in Guizhou are actually a more economic practice. Thirdly,it causes an ecological dilemma. The purpose of funeral reform is to save resources and protect the limited farmland. The traditional burial practice uses coffins and pile graves, which wastes wood, occupies farmland, and also pollutes the en-vironment. Therefore, the environmental protection is the premise and ultimate goal of the funeral and interment reform. Cave burial in Guizhou uses the natural caves, and does not occupy farmland; sar-cophagus burial does not use wooden coffins, so both of them belong to ecological burial practices. However, the implementation of cremation in the areas which used to conduct cave or sarcophagus-burials has created an embarrassing situation. Cave burial and sarcophagus tombs in Guizhou karst areas contain rich ecological ideas, which not only have positive social and practical significance for the protection of the ecological en-vironment of the area, but also have an important reference meaning for the promotion of “ecological funeral” or green funeral in China. Different ethnic groups and different areas have different forms of funeral customs, which have their own justifications. Therefore, the Fu-neral and Interment reform should adapt to local conditions, and take into the consideration the characteristics of the karst region in the case of Guizhou, and fully draw on the rational factors of ethnic burial. The present funeral and interment reform can take reference from the following three aspects from the ethnic burial culture of Guizhou:The first is to delimit some appropriate burial zones and maintain properly some burial customs which has ecological value. We advocate various forms of burial in these specific burial zones, for instances, tree burial of the Basha Miao in Con-gjiang country, deep burial of the Chang-clan Yao in Libo county, and sarcophagus tombs of Li-clan Waishu Miao in Qinglong County. These forms of burial with ecological protection value not only play an exemplary role for the ecological protection in ethnic regions, but also will help for the ethnic cultural inheritance. The second is to make full use of the natural characteristics of the karst area, and properly en-courage cave burial which does not take up the cul-tivated land. In this way, not only can the cave burial custom of the Yao in Libo and the Washu Miao in Pingba be kept, but also the cliff burial custom which does not take up the cultivated land could be encouraged among the residents in the karst region. This kind of cliff burial not only re-duces the waste of cultivated land, but also re-stricts the superstitious activities in the funeral. The karst area in Guizhou is very extensive, so it has a unique advantage in conducting cave burial. The funeral and interment reform can take the local conditions into consideration, and play up the ad-vantages of natural environment. Instead of empha-sizing cremation blindly, we should take the cave burial into practice. The third is to convert karst caves into ceme-tery for placing ashes so as to change the tradition-al way of building a cemetery on the hill for placing ashes in the cremation areas. In the karst area, if an area is delimited as a cremation zone, then the burial of body or burial of bone ash coffin should be prohibited. Generally, ashes should be deposi-ted in sepulchral chapels or buried in cemeteries. Although most cemeteries are built on barren hills or land, they still occupy land and waste land re-sources. The use of cement and stone materials creates white pollution. Meanwhile, the construc-tion of cemeteries destroys the mountain and causes soil erosion. Therefore, the cemetery is not the di-rection of the funeral and interment reform in the long run, and also does not meet the original inten-tion of the reform.     

关于天葬

天葬是我国藏区民众中普遍流行的一种丧葬方式,本文初步探讨了藏族天葬和古代西亚流行的天葬的关系。     

概述土家族道场仪式音乐——以彭水县土家族道场与音乐的人类学调查为例

土家族有着丰富的民族宗教文化,特别是丧葬仪式——道场。而彭水道场,是融溶了儒家忠孝观、释家轮回观以及佛教思想的一种宗教仪式活动,主要用于丧事祭奠超度亡灵,是彭水丧葬文化的重要组成部分,由于受民族语言习俗的渗溶,极具地域民族特色。在道场仪式当中,几乎都是以敲唱的形式为主,道场中所唱的《满庭芳》、《柳含烟》、《南乡子》等词牌和旋律以及他们的唱腔与仪式形式结合在一起,极具表演性,都是非常有特色的。从道场音乐中,我们也了解到了彭水土家人的生死观。而且,现在已慢慢的形成了一种具有宗教色彩的艺术表演。     

贵州化屋歪梳苗“打牛”祭丧仪式探析

打牛祭丧是贵州黔西县化屋歪梳苗丧葬活动中的一个重要仪式。该仪式的举行与否,取决于死者的年龄大小、是否生育及死者家庭的经济条件。通过这一极富象征性的传统仪式,苗寨社会建立起了一种以费用分摊为目的的经济扶助模式,有效缓解了单个家庭举行丧葬活动的经济负担。同时,家族认同功能也在仪式中得以强化。随着社会的发展,打牛祭丧仪式也在不断变迁。     

交往：“加强民族交往交流交融”的逻辑起点——兼及武陵地区民俗类国家级非遗交往功能问题

马克思主义的“交往”范畴,立足于哲学人类学思维范式的应用,重视日常生活化“接地气”的交往功能。“民族交往交流交融”理论的落脚点在“交”,即“相互交汇,有所接触”的“交往”。这样通过“民族群体间的交往交流交融”日常生活的应用理解,阐释“民族交往交流交融”概念的核心要义及其逻辑起点。风俗习惯在人们社会交往活动过程中产生与传承,直接影响着人们日常生活的交往活动。重庆国家级民俗类非遗的秀山花灯,当代以来舞台化精品打造历史经验收获不少,但我们可能更应注意的是其民间交往功能存在的问题,政府主导的秀山花灯春节“跳花灯”习俗活动,成为本地“加强民族交往交流交融”的民间文化交往功能重要载体,有助于美丽乡村公共文化建设愿景的达成。     

试论维吾尔族丧葬习俗中的生态伦理思想

维吾尔族丧葬习俗是维吾尔族人生礼仪习俗的重要组成部分。在维吾尔族丧葬习俗中蕴涵着丰富的生态伦理思想:爱惜自然、约束和节制一切破坏自然环境的行为、促使人与自然共生共荣、和谐共处等。维吾尔族丧葬习俗中蕴涵的生态伦理思想,不仅对保护所在地区生态环境、节约资源、保护耕地、保护生存者的空间具有积极的社会意义和现实意义,而且对我国当前进行的殡葬改革具有一定的借鉴作用。     

论民族关系发展

对民族关系的涵义、核心、特征、趋势等进行新理解是发展民族关系的认识基础。民族关系的实质是与民族相联的特殊的权利义务的价值关系;其核心和关键是民族心理沟通、民族团结、民族利益和民族发展。采取切实措施、全力体现民族关系的本质是发展民族关系的关键和中心任务。坚决贯彻执行法制政策,开展发展民族关系的宣传教育与对口支援评先等活动,着力夯实民族平等基石,全力拧紧民族团结主线,切实开展民族互助,努力营造民族和谐。     

语言使用与族群关系(民族社会学连载之三)

语言文字是各族群传统文化的载体 ,也是民众日常交往的工具 ,从而一定程度上成为族群的象征和标志 ,其使用情况可以反映族群之间的关系。本文介绍了一些国家的语言政策、我国各族群的语言使用情况及其所体现的族群关系状况 ,并结合学校教学语言的使用 ,讨论了少数族群教育的模式和发展趋势。     

成熟的象征与存在的延续——回族家谱与回族家族形成初探

本文就目前所发现的回族家谱进行研究,重点考察回族家谱的特点及回族家谱的修撰与回族家族组织的建立之间的关系;分析回族家谱与其他少数民族家谱的异同之处;阐释回族家谱的文化意义与社会价值。