For Whom the Bell Tolls? Contesting the Adhans in Majority Non-Muslim Societies

In recent years, requests by mosque authorities across Europe to broadcast the adhans (calls to prayer) have triggered fierce protests at both local and national levels. Concerns were not limited to noise nuisances, but reflected also the belief that adhans represent an Islamic quest for domination and a decline of Christian values. Based on an analysis of case-studies in England, Sweden and Germany, the article traces the dynamics of contestations over adhans in Europe and argues that the hybrid practical-symbolic approach to this specific Islamic practice is characteristic of a broader trend, and complicates conflicts that can be reasonably reconciled within a liberal context. Drawing a comparison to adhans in mosques in Israel, which have also become hotly debated, the article demonstrates how different socio-political contexts affect the outcomes of these contestations. It further emphasizes that in liberal societies, the demands and attitudes of majorities as well as minorities should be informed by universal guidelines drawn from the foundations of liberal theory.     

大同伊斯兰教研究

本文首先介绍了大同辖域的历史变迁,接着概括了大同伊斯兰教的地位,探讨了伊斯兰教传入大同的时间。然后重点叙述了伊斯兰教率先在大同普传的情况及其主要特征,介绍了大同辖域内的几座有特色的清真寺及与它们相关的经堂教育、明清人物等情况。随后简单介绍了明嘉靖丙午陨石题记,列举了大同辖域清真寺碑刻匾联名单。最后陈述了对大同伊斯兰教研究有关键意义的“大人坟”的现有研究情况。     

贯市李及贯市清真寺考略

北京昌平西贯市村回族李姓,明初自南京迁居于此,贯市清真寺建寺已510年。本文考述了贯市李姓的来源以及西贯市清真寺的沿革,并详细记述了清真寺见证的两件大事:清末“慈禧西狩”与1989年外宾来访。     

定州伊斯兰教研究

本文首先概述了定州历史,接着概括了定州伊斯兰教的地位,探讨了伊斯兰教传入定州的时间。然后根据元至正八年碑正文及碑阴重点研究了伊斯兰教在元代定州兴盛的有关情况。而将探讨的重心放在利用定州清真寺元明清三代文(碑文)、物(建筑物)皆有所存的优势,对这座清真寺寺貌、寺名、寺之建筑规制、寺之管理制度的历史变迁,尤其是建筑成就上。同时对清末民国定州穆斯林的兴学修寺也有所涉及。最后存目式的列举了现知定州各清真寺的碑刻匾联等文物。     

The Development Impact of Mosque Location on Land Use in Australia: A Case Study of Masjid al Farooq in Brisbane

The rapid growth of Australia's Muslim population over the past three decades has presented a challenge to local governments to find ways of accommodating their needs, particularly providing spaces to build mosques. Yet in many parts of Australia, mosque applications have been opposed by local communities and consequently such applications are usually declined by local councils. Many Muslims believe that Islamophobhia and racism are behind such refusals. This paper examines the role of urban planning policies in determining the location, architectural form, and the use of mosques, and their impact on the local community, through a case study of the Masjid Al Farooq in South-East Queensland. It seeks to understand whether urban planning policy as well as urban planners can become a tool of integrating the community and, if so, how. This case study reveals that there is no provision in urban planning policies specifically for places of worship. Such applications are treated the same as all others even though they have a very different purpose. Places of worship form an integral part of community and can be crucial at a time when political leaders seem to be placing emphasis on family and social cohesion. Marginalising places of worship will continue to disenchant segments of the population and make them feel like “outsiders”. Given the contemporary global political climate, there are no easy solutions. This paper makes policy suggestions that government, planners, and community leaders can embrace so that mosques and those who worship in them are seen as part of the community.     

Muslims in Great Britain: the impact of mosque attendance on political behaviour and civic engagement

Is mosque attendance associated with withdrawal from civic and political life and the endorsement of politically motivated violence (PMV)? We draw from a large multi-ethnic survey in the U.K. to answer this research question. Our analysis is unique in that we compare Muslims to Christians to show that mosques, just like churches, can enhance the civic and political participation of their adherents. Drawing from scholarship on religious institutions, social capital, and social identity, we claim and empirically show that mosque attendance is associated with increased electoral and non-electoral political participation, higher levels of civic engagement, and the rejection of PMV. Our findings not only advance the current scholarly understanding of the attitudes and behaviours of Muslims in the West, but also have important policy implications in that they help dispel stereotypical and sensationalist accounts of Mosques and their adherents in the post-Brexit U.K.     

论城市化进程中回族社区内清真寺社会功能——以西宁市城东区为例

随着城市化进程的不断加快,回族传统的居住方式受到冲击,清真寺成了维系回族社区文化的物质栽体,清真寺的公益性以及社会与个人中介地位的特点决定了其可以发挥自我管理、缓解社会矛盾、维护社会稳定、促进社会和谐的作用,使清真寺在回族社区建设中发挥着重要的社会功能.     

明代福州米荣《重建清真寺记》研究——福建伊斯兰教与回族史专题之一

福建是中国回回民族的萌生地之一,存留下许多重要的历史遗迹。元明两朝福建的穆斯林人口持续增加,以伊斯兰教为依托,回回民族的民族自觉也明显强化,通过清真寺修建等活动,反映出福建回族族群意识的提升,也显现出宗教观的某些变化,特别表现在"回而兼儒"的主动融会上,可以说开了明清之际回回学人"以儒解回"的先河。米荣所撰写的福州《重建清真寺记》是福建回族石刻的珍品,其内容在这些方面的价值尤显突出,具有很高的研究价值。本文以碑文内容的疏解为主线,延展到对米荣及其家族,以及碑文所涉及的众多明代福建回回人物及作者宗教观的研探上,试图以福建回族史为侧面,对整个明代回族史的认识有所加深。     

Islamophobia and the Problematization of Mosques: A Critical Exploration of Hate Crimes and the Symbolic Function of “Old” and “New” Mosques in the United Kingdom

Most scholarly studies have tended to focus on the building of new and proposed mosques, and in particular how they are sites of conflict and contestation symbolic of wider “problems” associated with Muslims and Islam in the United Kingdom. This study focuses on an overlooked aspect within this, the extent to which attacks on mosques that are neither new nor proposed perform a similar symbolic function. Presenting new empirical evidence from research undertaken with ten mosques across the United Kingdom that had been targeted for attack, we begin by exploring the existing literature on the problematization of mosques using the lens of critical Islamophobia studies to do so. Setting out what is known about attacks on mosques in the British setting, empirical findings from the research are used to illustrate the type and manifestation of attacks experienced, going on to consider the drivers and catalysts for them. Exploring the similarities and differences between the conflict and contestation associated with new mosques and the attacks on mosques that are not new, this study concludes that some resonance exists in the symbolic function mosques continue to serve in the community. In conclusion, the significant resonance between Islamophobically motivated attacks against mosques with those against the individuals is considered.     

浅论中国伊斯兰教教育

伊斯兰教传入中国之后 ,就面临着教育传承的问题 ,于是经堂教育便应运而生 ,成为中国伊斯兰教教育中一种重要的形式 ,发展至今。同时 ,一种新的教育形式———经院教育也逐渐发展起来。经过不断发展 ,中国伊斯兰教教育已形成了成熟的教育机制与特点 ,但同时也仍有许多问题需要在不断的探索中得以解决 ,使全国伊斯兰教教育向更高层次迈进     

Between Integration and Exclusion: Ethnic Minorities at the Polish Eastern Border after the First Decade of Transition

Post-Socialist liberalisation has returned ethnic minorities in Central Eastern Europe to the spotlight. In border regions where inter-ethnic dialogue is burdened by historical conflicts that for over four decades were taboo, various developments now coincide. On the one hand, permeable borders and political transition have resulted in new legal rights for minorities coupled with vastly improved possibilities for contact and communication with their native country. On the other hand, historical antagonisms have re-emerged and are being debated again in the new sociopolitical climate. The eastern enlargement of the European Union is bound to spawn new challenges and threats for inter-ethnic dialogue. Against this background, this article addresses inter-ethnic issues at the Polish eastern border over the last decade. It highlights different forms of the integration and exclusion of minorities in the light of transition and European Union enlargement, taking as examples the Polish-Ukrainian and Polish-Belarusian border regions.     

女学：经堂教育的拓展与文化传承角色重心的位移——以兰州、西安、临夏调查为个案

2 0世纪 90年代前后 ,在西北地区城市回族穆斯林社区中作为传统经堂教育的拓展———女学的兴起与发展成为一个令人瞩目的文化现象。本文追溯了清真寺女学的历史 ,特别是在城市文化镜像中分析了西北地区城市回族穆斯林女学生长的背景 ,认为这是一场浸染着浓厚救亡意识和洋溢着发展理念的文化自觉     

The social distance of Poles to other minorities: a study of four cities in Germany and Britain

This contribution investigates the social distance of immigrants from Poland in four Western European cities – London, Birmingham, Berlin and Munich – particularly Polish immigrants’ distance towards members of ethnic, religious and sexual minorities in their various social roles. Presenting unique data from the first wave of a longitudinal qualitative study, we first discuss the differential levels of social distance that Polish immigrants place between themselves and members of minority groups in each city. We find that respondents’ socio-demographic characteristics impact their social distance, but their education and occupation may have less of an effect than their place of origin in Poland or current place of residence and work. Moreover, these factors work differentially across the four cities. After analysing social distance with respect to three dimensions of difference – ethnicity, religion and sexuality – we find several different social-distancing mechanisms. Ultimately, we argue that social science needs to consider regional and local contexts in which social attitudes towards minorities are acquired and exercised. Similarly, we need to reflect on the group’s presumed homogeneity and on the unifying visions of the ‘host society’ as a site of migrants’ incorporation.     

回族经堂教育教材的当代变迁——以宁夏西吉、海原、同心为例

经堂教育作为回族民间教育的主流,不仅传承和巩固着回族文化,而且也深深地影响着回族的发展。经堂教育教材作为实施教育的经典文本而成为回族文化的主要承载方式,但它体现的不仅仅是文化本身,更重要的是作为一种纽带,体现了回族生生不息的民族“基质”,而且在今天看来,它仍然发挥着重要作用。本文以田野调查资料为依据,从经堂教育教材的历史沿革与当代变迁的继承和变异中,探寻回族经学教材体制发展的足迹。     

The politics of evidence-based policy in Europe’s ‘migration crisis’

ABSTRACT

Increased migration across the Mediterranean to Europe during 2015 was associated with growing interest in generating new research evidence to assist policymakers in understanding the complexities of migration and improve policy responses. In the UK, this was reflected in funding by the Economic and Social Research Council for a Mediterranean Migration Research Programme. Drawing on evidence from the programme, this volume explores the nature of Europe’s ‘migration crisis’ and the extent to which the development of new migration management policies was grounded in evidence about the causes, drivers and consequences of migration to Europe. The authors conclude that there is a substantial ‘gap’ between the now significant body of evidence examining migration processes and European Union policy responses. This gap is attributed to three main factors: the long-standing ‘paradigm war’ in social research between positivist, interpretivist and critical approaches which means that what counts as ‘evidence’ is contested; competing knowledge claims associated with research and other forms of evidence used to construct and/or support policy narratives; and, perhaps most importantly, the politics of policymaking, which has resulted in policies based on underlying assumptions and vested interests rather than research evidence, even where this evidence is funded directly by European governments.     

To see ourselves as others see us: identity and attitudes towards immigration amongst civic nationalists

ABSTRACT

This article examines how different conceptions of national identity can be linked to attitudes towards cultural pluralism. The tensions between more culturally pluralistic societies and sustained support for nationalism represent an important political issue in modern western European politics. Such tensions are of particular relevance for stateless nationalist and regionalist parties (SNRPs) for whom national/regional identity is a major political driver. This article empirically tests the relationship between different conceptions of national identity and attitudes towards cultural pluralism in two SNRPs—the Scottish National Party and the Frisian National Party. The article draws upon evidence from two unique full party membership studies and is supported with evidence from documentary analysis. A key finding is that the manner in which members conceptualise national identity has significant implications for their attitudes towards cultural pluralism, which has the potential of becoming a source of tension within SNRPs. A key implication of the article is that there is evidence that attitudes of general members and officially stated party positions and narratives diverge on issues relating to cultural pluralism and national identity. These tensions could potentially be harmful for the party's overall civic image.     

Disobedient subjects – constructing the subject,the state and religion in the European Court of Human Rights

In this article, I analyse how the law participates in the (re)production process of the subject, the state and religion, and how the law's indefiniteness allows various constructions of them all. In the first part of the article I discuss the Islamic headscarf cases of the European Court of Human Rights as examples of how the discursive constructions of the state and the subject can be challenged by means of disobedience. Here the focus is particularly on Turkey and on France, where the principle of secularism is largely regarded as the basis of the republic and of the national identity. The law provides an arena where the disobedient subject and the state can challenge and re-establish the prevailing conceptualizations of the subject. In the second part of the article I address the Court's alleged Islamophobia. I explore how the constructions of the state and the subject contribute to the way religion is framed in the Court's argumentation in relation to the freedom of religion guaranteed under Article 9 of the European Convention on Human Rights. The analysis shows that religion can be framed as a personal belief system, a cultural tradition, or politics which, in turn, affects the course of legal argumentation. I conclude that the Court can plausibly be accused of Christian bias, but that this conclusion is often based on insufficient analysis of the Court's case law. This article contributes to the interdisciplinary discussion on the headscarf bans from the socio-legal perspective. The aim is to explore what, besides providing legal solutions, the law does.     

Shifting Language Loyalties: A Case Study of Sunni Mauritian Muslims

Muslims form a heterogeneous minority group in multi-religious, multi-ethnic and multilingual Mauritius. Recognised by the Mauritian state as the main mosque on the island, the Jummah Mosque, which adheres to the Sunni school of thought, has contributed to preserve Urdu as a Muslim language by using this language for preaching. This study focuses on the relationship between institutional and popular language ideologies and loyalties, by investigating the language ideologies and loyalties of the institution that oversees local Sunni madrassahs, the Sunnee Madrassah Board (SMB), and those of a group of Sunni Mauritian Muslims (MMs). The findings reveal heterogeneous language ideologies and loyalties: the SMB has retained a degree of conservativism with respect to Urdu as a MM language, while the Sunni informants are slowly shifting away from Urdu as a MM language. This apparent mismatch between institutional ideologies and popular ideologies and loyalties is discussed with reference to Heller's concept of “symbolic domination”. The authors argue that the conservative stance taken by the institutions might be read as a subtle power game being played out between different local ethno-religious groups, as well as within the MM community.     

Institutionalising a cross-sectional policy area? Ministerial competences for migrant integration in EU member states

Migrant integration is a cross-sectional policy issue and its governance involves a network of actors operating on different regional and government levels. Its emergence as a distinct policy area in many European democracies has reinvigorated the role of state actors, particularly at the national level. National governments face a growing need to coordinate formerly disparate domestic integration measures, yet they are also encouraged by increasing activities and resources that have evolved at the EU level. From an institutional perspective, this spread of both norms and resources is likely to result in the emergence of new governmental actors assigned with these tasks. Yet, little scholarly attention has so far been dedicated to the comparison of ministerial competences for migrant integration across Europe and their relation to integration policies. The paper addresses this gap in a comparative study, presenting data on the ministerial competences in 27 EU member states and Switzerland between 2010 and 2014 and linking them to data on migrant integration policies using the MIPEX dataset. The findings show no general European trend towards top-level institutionalisation and instead reveal substantial differences between Western and Eastern European democracies associated with the respective patterns of integration policies.     

自我认知与国家认同——基于西宁市伊斯兰教教职人员的实证分析

宗教教职人员作为国家公民,其自我认知和国家认同必然对信教群众产生影响。作为一名教职人员如何参与社会活动、对国家法律政策的认同度和穆斯林社区中围绕清真寺引发纠纷或矛盾的认知,通过西宁市伊斯兰教教职人员问卷分析,反映作为宗教职业者和学习者的态度,做好多元社会中伊斯兰教教职人员工作,有利于宗教内部和谐,社会稳定和民族团结。