Lone-parent families in cross-cultural perspectives: ethnic and immigration issues

"One-parent families represent about 10-20 percent of all families in Europe, North America, New Zealand and Australia. About 90 percent are headed by women, who have become heads of households mainly due to divorce, separation, and never-married status. The presentation will review existing research and data related to cross-cultural one-parent families. The topics covered include routes to lone parenthood, characteristics common among female-headed families, positive and negative aspects of this type of family, up-to-date statistics, and a discussion of children living in one-parent families. Implications for immigration and ethnicity issues will be included...as well as research implications and intervention strategies for the one-parent family."     

Single Parent Families:

The purpose of this single parent families bookshelf is to provide potential users with a sampling of recent books that deal with various aspects of single parenting. Books are focused on the time period of 1980 to 1993. Resources include primarily North American and Canadian entries. The titles are presented in the fol- lowing categories: children and one-parent families, cross-cultural references, divorced single parents, ethnicity and single parent fami- lies, frameworks for examining single parent families, never-married biological teen mother headed families, practical guides to single parent family living, single fathers with custody following separa- tion and divorce, and special issues of journals focused on single parent families.     

One-Parent Families in Contemporary Cambodia

Nonmarital births and divorce are rare in Cambodia. Because of dramatic levels of adult mortality reached during the late 1970s, however, growing up with a single parent is not rare. Using nationally representative, cross-sectional data, we estimate that about 12% of children under age 18 co-reside with only one of their biological parents. Using longitudinal data representative of the Mekong River Valley, we found this proportion to be declining. Nearly half of these children live in nuclear families (single parent with or without a stepparent), even though they live in multigenerational families more frequently than children who live with both their parents, especially when young and not living with their mother. Finally, we consider differences in socioeconomic conditions and child educational outcomes by number of co-residing parents.     

Lone Motherhood and its Educational Outcomes for Children in Vietnam

Micro-data from the 2009 Vietnam census indicate that lone mothers represent 11.0% of all women aged 15 to 49 living with at least one of their children (≤17 years old). Results from logistic regression models show that school enrollment and attainment levels are lower for children of lone mothers than for children living with two parents. This negative effect is observed for children of never married, divorced or separated, and widowed lone mothers as well as for children of women currently married to a migrant not residing in the household provided they are not head of household. This disadvantage may be explained by reduced availability of human, material, and financial resources; restricted agency of the mother; and long-term socioeconomic and demographic processes shaping family relations and migration.     

Children and Power in Mexican Transnational Families

Today, many families find that they are unable to fulfill the goal of maintaining a household by living together under the same roof. Some members migrate internationally. This article addresses the consequences of a transnational lifestyle for children who are left behind by migrant parents. Using ethnographic fieldwork and interviews with a total of 141 members of Mexican transnational families, I explore how children who are left behind react to parents’ migrations. I focus on how Mexican children manifest the competing pressures they feel surrounding parents’ migrations and consequently shape family migration patterns. The article shows that children may experience power, albeit in different ways at different ages, while simultaneously being disadvantaged as dependents and in terms of their families’ socioeconomic status.     

Children's Agency: ‘Getting By,Getting Back,Getting Out and Getting Organised’ Under Welfare‐to‐Work in Australia

One in four children in lone‐parent households in Australia lives in poverty. Welfare‐to‐work policies designed to 'activate' lone‐parents into the labour market is one approach that successive governments have employed to address this issue. This article argues that activation policies that target parents risk overlooking the implications for the children in these families. It concludes that more understanding about how poor children employ agency within the constraints and conditions of their lives could inform policy that better supports their well‐being, values their contributions, and is more sensitive to the diverse and changing needs of families. It draws on child‐centred participatory research with twenty‐six children in Australia that found they were active agents across a range of areas that included strategies for getting by, aspiration for the future, and acts of resistance.     

Noncustodial Fatherhood

Summary

Research on non-custodial fathers is progressing from the negative effects of father absence to the development of successful models of co-parenting where absentee fathers share responsibilities for childrearing. Theoretically-based analyses of the obstacles and factors that promote father involvement need to be placed within the context of diverse families and interactions between biological parents living apart. Assessment of the impact of father presence on child well-being is especially important in light of the high proportion of children living in one-parent families without father support and the high rate of poverty among children raised by mothers.     

Do black family headship structures make a difference in teenage pregnancy? A comparison of one-parent and two-parent families

"The black communities of the United States have a disproportionate number of single-parent families: In point of fact, over one half of all black families with children are single-parent families; the great majority of these single-parent families are headed by females. The fastest growing segment of single parent families is young never-married females who...have incomes below the poverty line. Using a causal model analysis, this particular study undertook to compare subsamples of continuous two-parent and one-parent families to find out what intra-familial dynamics 'cause' early versus late teenage pregnancy. The results suggest that positive child-parent affect is generally associated with delayed teenage pregnancy, and negative child-parent affect is generally associated with early teenage pregnancy. Moreover, the father's influence is significant in both two-parent and one-parent families."     

Lone Mother‐led Families: Exemplifying the Structuring of Social Inequality

Almost 25% of Canadian families are headed by a lone parent (Jensen 2003) and over 90% of poor lone parents are women (National Council of Welfare 2002). In Canada lone mother‐led families have been significantly impacted by two major and interrelated changes in Canada; welfare reforms that resulted in the elimination of a separate family benefit and includes the imposition of a work requirement combined with dramatic changes to the labor market. The reduction of welfare benefits and the increase in precarious or non‐standard work have created a high level of social jeopardy for lone mothers and their children. This paper explores the different realms of life where lone‐mothers are particularly disadvantaged and argues that governments need to clearly identify areas of policy intersection before the inequalities that lone mother‐led families face can be ameliorated.     

Shared Parenting After Divorce: A Review of Shared Residential Parenting Research

One of the most complex and compelling issues confronting policymakers, parents, and the family court system is what type of parenting plan is most beneficial for children after their parents' divorce. How much time should children live with each parent? An increasing number of children are living with each parent at least 35% of the time in shared residential parenting families: How are these children and their parents faring? In what ways, if any, do divorced parents who share the residential parenting differ from parents whose children live almost exclusively with their mother? How stable are shared residential parenting plans? By reviewing the existing studies on shared parenting families, these questions are addressed.     

CLOSENESS WITH PARENTS AND PERCEIVED CONSEQUENCES OF PREGNANCY AMONG MALE AND FEMALE ADOLESCENTS

Using the 1994–1995 National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health, we examine the association between closeness with parents and teen beliefs regarding the consequences of pregnancy. Unlike previous studies in this area, we include measures of closeness to both mother and father and examine effects for both male and female adolescents by family type (two-biological- or two-adoptive-parent, stepfather, and single-mother families). Our findings indicate that parental closeness is most salient for boys living with two biological or adoptive parents. For girls living with two biological or adoptive parents and boys and girls living in stepfather families, controlling for other aspects of the parent-child relationship, as well as adolescent, socioeconomic, and demographic characteristics, eliminates the protective influence of closeness to parents. For teens living in single-mother families, closeness with mother has no effect on beliefs about the consequences of pregnancy. Overall, our findings indicate that it is teen beliefs regarding parental viewpoints on educational achievement and engagement in sexual activity, rather than closeness per se, that has the link to adolescent beliefs about the consequences of pregnancy.     

The Living Arrangements of Children in Immigrant Families in the United States1

Little is known about the living arrangements of first‐ and second‐generation immigrant children. Using data from the Current Population Survey and a multivariate approach, I compared living arrangements of immigrant children to U.S.‐born white children with U.S.‐born parents. Findings show, except for foreign‐born black and some Hispanic children, that foreign‐born children lived with married parents more frequently than did U.S.‐born white children with U.S.‐born parents. However, by the third generation, a pattern emerged showing a decline in living with married parents among some immigrant children and a rise in living with single parents. The noticeable “downward assimilation” amon some second and third‐generation immigrant children fits a theory of segmented assimilation and is concerning because single‐parent families confront more social problems and sociodemographic risks.     

Life Satisfaction Among Children in Different Family Structures: A Comparative Study of 36 Western Societies

This paper examines differences in life satisfaction among children in different family structures in 36 western, industrialised countries (n = 184 496). Children living with both biological parents reported higher levels of life satisfaction than children living with a single parent or parent–step‐parent. Children in joint physical custody reported significantly higher levels of life satisfaction than their counterparts in other types of non‐intact families. Controlling perceived family affluence, the difference between joint physical custody families and single mother or mother–stepfather families became non‐significant. Difficulties in communicating with parents were strongly associated with less life satisfaction but did not mediate the relation between family structure and life satisfaction. Children in the Nordic countries characterised by strong welfare systems reported significantly higher levels of life satisfaction in all living arrangements except in single father households. Differences in economic inequality between countries moderated the association between certain family structures, perceived family affluence and life satisfaction.     

Migration,Social Networks,and Child Health in Mexican Families

This paper examines the consequences of parental migratory strategies for children in three types of Mexican families: those living with their migrant parents in the United States, those living with parents who migrated and returned to Mexico, and those living in Mexico with parents who have never migrated. Using data on 804 children from the Health and Migration Survey (HMS), we found significant differences in children's health across the three types of families. Results also revealed robust effects on child health of the size of immediate and extended social networks and migration experience after controlling for potential mediators such as mother's general health, receipt of social support, and child's age and sex. Findings suggest that social networks and migration affect children in complex ways, offering health benefits to those with migrant parents in U.S. households but not to those living with parents who migrated in the past and returned to Mexico.     

Family Structure and Parent–Child Contact: A Comparison of Native and Migrant Families

This article is an investigation of the frequency of contact between parents and adult children in Germany. It compares Turkish immigrants and native Germans and includes both biological and step‐relations. After the United States and Russia, Germany reports the third highest proportion of immigrants internationally, but the extent to which results regarding natives are applicable to immigrant families remains unknown. Data are from the first wave of the German Generations and Gender Surveys (2005) and the supplemental survey of Turkish citizens living in Germany (2006). A total of 7,035 parent–child relations are analyzed. The frequency of parent–adult child contact is significantly higher for biological parents living with the child's other biological parent than for parents without a partner, parents with a new partner, or stepparents. Contact is more frequent for all Turkish families, but the pattern of variation by family structure is similar for both Germans and Turks.     

How to Deal With Moral Tales: Constructions and Strategies of Single‐Parent Families

This study explored how normative understandings based on the nuclear family ideology are linked to constructions of single‐parent families and sheds light on the strategies single parents and their children adopt in dealing with negative accounts. Guided by social constructionist and configurational approaches, the in‐depth analysis is based on an Austrian qualitative study, comprising interviews with 50 ten‐year‐old children and their 71 parents, living in nuclear, reconstituted, and single‐parent families. The results showed that single‐parent families are constructed predominantly in terms of deficits and disadvantages, with the nuclear family serving as an ideological code along the dimensions of normalcy, complementarity, and stability. To deal with negative accounts, single parents and their children use three basic types of strategy: (a) imitation, (b) compensation, and (c) delimitation.     

A Comparison of Children Living in Single-Mother and Single-Father Families

Research comparing children living in single-mother and single-father families has become important due to the increase in the number of parents contesting custody in divorce cases and as the number of single custodial fathers increases. The present study was designed to investigate a number of characteristics relating to children living in single-father families (SFFs) and in single-mother families (SMFs). Previous research has suggested that in the case of separation and/or divorce the mother is the more competent parent to raise the children. However, recent studies have provided some support for the idea that single fathers can be effective single parents. The subject sample included 42 single divorced custodial parents (21 single mothers and 21 single fathers) and their 62 (6- to 16-year-old) children. The measures employed were The Self-Perception Profile for Children (SPPC; Harter, 1985) and The Child Behaviour Checklist (CBCL; Achenbach & Edelbrock, 1983). One-way MANCOVA and ANCOVA procedures were performed and it was found that the overall scores of children from single-father families (SFFs) did not differ significantly from children in single-mother families (SMFs) on the SPPC and the CBCL. The implications of these findings are discussed and suggestions for future research are provided.     

Socioeconomic causes of child labor in urban Nigeria

Drawing on interviews with 1,535 children (aged 8–14 years) in urban Nigeria, this study introduces two new measures of child labor—child's ownership of business and control over earnings—to supplement the conventional use of a child's hours of work and to create a wider understanding of child labor. It examines the causes of child labor and how these measures vary by parental socioeconomic status. Study of this relationship is important for a deeper understanding of the varying patterns of child labor, as well as for clarifying the cultural and economic socialization of children. Our findings show that children of parents with higher socioeconomic status are more likely to own businesses rather than assist parents. These children are also more likely to keep and spend their work earnings. Our results also offer strong support of the poverty hypothesis and the socialization theory, which are often used to explain child labor in developing societies. Furthermore, our results indicate that children of parents with higher levels of socioeconomic status work fewer hours. These findings have implications for regulating child labor and for alleviating its consequences.     

Socioeconomic Differences in Having Living Parents and Children: A U.S.‐British Comparison of Middle‐Aged Women

This article examines the relationship between socioeconomic status and having living children and parents among 55‐ to 63‐year‐old women in the United States and Britain. The goals are to quantify the outcomes of slightly different demographic regimes on close kin networks and to assess the potential implications of policies that in both countries increasingly emphasize family responsibility. In the cohorts examined, U.S. respondents are substantially more likely to have living parents and children, but the pattern of socioeconomic effects is similar across countries. Higher socioeconomic status is associated with having fewer children and, less consistently, is associated with a higher probability of having living parents and being childless. However, higher‐status women are more likely to have both living parents and children.