突厥的族属、发祥地及其社会分期

突厥,是继匈奴、柔然之后于六世纪中叶在我国西北地区兴起的又一个十分强大的游牧民族,从公元552年攻破柔然,阿史那土门正式称汗建国,一直到公元745年白眉可汗被回纥军队击杀而败亡,在前后历时近二百年的岁月里,它一系列的政治、军事行动对中国历史乃至世界历史都产生了极为深远的影响。正因为如此,突厥兴衰发展的历史也就一直为中外史学家所瞩目。尽管各国学者对突厥历史的研究作出了许多成绩,但由于其本身内容的复杂性,至今仍有许多悬而未决的问题。多年来关于对突厥的族属、发祥地以及社会分期等问题的争论就是其中之一。本文谨在综合前人研究成果的基础上提出一些粗浅的看法,以供各位学者批评指正。     

后突厥汗国时期的“法度”更张辨

后突厥国时期的碑铭中往往有一些“违反突厥法度”、“丧失突厥法制”等方面的文字记述，一些学者以此为据，认为后突厥国时期的法度根本不同于以往，此时应是封建社会，突厥社会的奴隶法已被消除。本文结合相关的史料对此进行了较为详尽的的剖析与论述，认为后突厥国时期的“法度”并没有得到更张，突厥社会形态仍然属于军事奴隶主贵族专政的奴隶制社会。     

有关日本中亚史研究的几种论著目录

日本的中亚史研究范围主要限于三突厥斯坦地区(The Three Turkestan):即中国、俄国和阿富汗突厥斯坦地区。常常只涉及中国部分。日本的中亚史研究仅有一个世纪的历史,因此相对西方的研究来说,研究范围有限,历史也较短。然而这并不意味着日本学者对三突厥斯坦之外的地区没有什么研究。这只是因为人们对中亚地区划界的不同罢了。众所周知,在中亚的划界(Demar cation)问题上,日本学者和西方学者的看法不同。中亚应当包括以下地区:东部的满洲、蒙古高原;中国、俄国、阿富汗统治下的三突厥斯坦;西藏高原、伊朗,甚至东地中海海岸地区;或仅限于东突厥斯坦的塔里木盆地。苏联对中亚的地理划分有两种分法。一是认为中亚应包括西藏高原、准噶尔、喀什噶尔、塔里木盆地、内外蒙古;另一种分法则认     

撒拉语和土耳其语语音对比研究

撒拉语和土耳其同属突厥语族乌古斯语组,二者的对比研究对缺乏书面文献的撒拉语的研究有重要意义.通过和土耳其学者的合作及文献梳理,作者分析了撒拉语和土耳其语在语音方面的异同,并指出二者既有因历史同源而具有的共同点,但也有因二者在后来独自发展中所经历的不同社会环境而导致的不同点.     

中亚突厥之佛教

6世纪中叶，突厥人从阿尔泰山地区迁徙到中亚平原，建立了从中国西北部到咸海东部地域广袤的第一突厥汗国。他们的宗教保留了对天、地、祖先崇拜的痕迹。突厥汗国与中亚平原许多王国的命运一样，很快分成了东突厥和西突厥两部分。布民可汗被认为是突厥汗国的奠基人，也是东突厥的第一位统治者。他的兄弟室点密（Istami）统治着西突厥。     

Coray和Kara—Kum方位考

一百年前在蒙古高原上鄂尔浑河流域发现的几块古突厥文(亦即所谓的“如尼文”)墓碑记载了有关后突厥汗国(七世纪八十年代至八世纪上半叶)东征西讨的显赫武功,内容涉及到后突厥汗国的历史、军事、外交、文化、地理和民族构成等各个方面。许多年来,国内外学者对这些碑铭进行了大量的研究,但是迄今在某些重要的问题上仍未取得一致意     

突厥语族语言的确定过去时标志

突厥语言中确定过去时由确定过去时标志及领属人称后缀构成。突厥语言研究学者对确定过去时标志与领属人称后缀之间的区分尚有分歧。因此,本文从语法层面来论述-t/-d为确定过去时标志的合理性。     

"凯末尔主义"与"泛突厥主义"关系探析

泛突厥主义是奥斯曼帝国末期产生的重要社会思潮和意识形态。土耳其共和国建立后,民族主义者以凯末尔主义思想作为立国基础,反对泛突厥主义。但是在人员、组织和思想等方面,凯末尔主义仍与泛突厥主义保持了较多联系,客观上为泛突厥主义在土耳其的长期存在提供了方便,并使土耳其的对外政策表现出一定的泛突厥主义特征。凯末尔主义和泛突厥主义之间的内在联系是由民族主义的性质决定的。认清这种联系,有利于加深对凯末尔主义以及当代土耳其内政、外交的了解与认识。     

阿尔泰学者们的理想园地

阿尔泰学者们的理想园地●陈乃雄（内蒙古大学蒙古语文研究所教授、博士导师）欣逢《西北民族研究》创刊十周年喜庆，特驰函遥致衷心的祝贺。新中国成立以来，我国的蒙古语族研究、突厥语族研究、满通语族研究都有了蓬勃的发展。学者们在这些领域里埋头耕耘，写出了许多学...     

泛突厥主义的历史考察

突厥(Ｔｕｒｋ),严格地讲,指的是6—8世纪活跃在亚洲北部草原上的一个古代民族;初属柔然,6世纪中叶并铁勒部、灭柔然,建突厥汗国;其势力范围最广时东起辽水,西抵里海,西南隔阿姆河与波斯相望。6世纪末,突厥分裂成东、西两部,后相继并于唐王朝。唐末,东、西突厥衰败,逐渐退出历史舞台。作为古代民族的突厥虽早已不复存在,但是亚洲北部草原上不同民族的游牧人说着同突厥部众大体相同的语言,于是在南方的、操着与之完全不同语言的波斯人和阿拉伯人开始把他们统统说成“突厥人”(Ｔｕｒｋｓ),把这些“突厥人”活动的地方称作“突厥斯坦”(Ｔｕｒ…     

Meeting / Derrida

In August 1999, Jacques Derrida gave a number of lectures and seminars in Melbourne and Sydney. The seminar of 13 August, held at Sydney's Seymour Centre Theatre, was open to the public. It consisted of a question-and-answer session with Genevieve Lloyd, David Wills, Paul Patton and Penelope Deutscher. Its title, 'Themes from Recent Work', reflected interests in the work from Specters of Marx (1994) onwards which some, including Paul Patton, have referred to as deconstruction in its affirmative phase. What follows is a by-no-means verbatim record of the event. Rather it is but one member of the audience's account of what transpired in the seminar – an account which is therefore necessarily selective and pressed through the grid of my own quasi-philosophical interests. Following this account of the seminar, I offer some marginal notes on the open discussion following the seminar, then, finally, some reflections on a particular matter discussed at the dinner which followed that – madness.     

Defining ‘real India’: representations of authenticity in independent travel

As an alternative to the stereotypical mass tourism, independent travellers – travellers who travel for extended periods on low budgets while ostensibly avoiding formalized tourist activities and locales – are invested in constructing ‘authentic’ travel experiences. Practices such as ‘off-the-beaten-track’ travel and cultural engagement provide the means by which independent travellers are able to make claims to such authenticity. Authenticity is constructed by travellers through idealizations of intimacy and non-commodification. These idealizations are tangled in narrative representations of ‘real’ India and ‘real’ Indians, their ‘real’-ness typified by an absence of other travellers, tourists and, more generally, Western contamination. In these ways, ‘authentic’ travel is dependent upon actively constructed binaries of Western travelling subjects and exotic Indian objects. Yet travellers' fantasies of the Other are fragile and subject to collapse at moments in which so-called Others articulate their subjectivity in a way that is inconsistent with travellers' expectations. Through a focus on travellers' narratives of their experience, both the requirement for an Orientalist dichotomy as well as the ruptures that continually challenge this dichotomy, will emerge.     

The changing configurations of self-(m)other dialogue in North Cyprus

This paper deals with issues of identity, nationalism, postcolonialism, and self-other relations with a focus on a period of transformative events in North Cyprus. It notes how nationalism has been the dominant means of identification for Cypriots in their modern history, and argues that unless weakened and supplanted by a radically pluralist democracy, nationalism imagines one's identity as an indivisible unity and has no place for different others within the nation. However, a pressing relationship with others and otherness is no stranger to Cypriots either, which makes it clear that the border that defines the ‘we’ of such nationalism is, at the same time, the line that divides the self intrinsically, indicating the otherness of the self or its alterity. Subjectivity involves subjection to the other.     

三江源自然保护区生态旅游开发的SWOT分析

本文就三江源自然保护区开发生态旅游产品的可行性及发展潜力,运用SWOT分析模式进行客观分析,并得出三江源开发生态旅游产品是实现该地区可持续发展的最佳途径。     

Changing patterns of mobility,citizenship and conflict in Indonesia

ABSTRACT

Mobility and migration are inherent ingredients of Indonesian cultures. In an archipelago with thousands of islands of various size, character and nature, mobility is an important means to make a living and to survive by migration. The right to free movement in Indonesia is constitutionally granted. It can create mobility and give expression to equal citizenship rights at the same time as it can trigger the enforcement of borders among cultural groups and the ethnification of local and regional politics. Mobility thus always comes along with immobility. Physical mobility of one group of people might cause immobility of another group or it might create cultural and political immobility in the same group. In places such as Eastern Indonesia, people have developed reciprocal means to integrate newcomers. Whereas the immigrants are usually disadvantaged citizens with regards to land and customary rights, those living in the area for generations have nonetheless become integral parts of quite peaceful local settings, one way or the other. The advancement of decentralization, democratization and direct elections of political representatives can lead to political empowerment, the promotion of ethnicity as election capital and changing patterns of belonging. This paper illustrates these ambivalences by looking at mobility in Indonesia more generally and how changing national policies and laws lead to reinterpretations of mobility patterns and trigger changes in relations between local population groups and existing mechanisms of cultural and political inclusion and exclusion. Butonese migrants in Maluku will here serve as a case study.     

Refugees,migrants, neither,both: categorical fetishism and the politics of bounding in Europe’s ‘migration crisis’

The use of the categories ‘refugee’ and ‘migrant’ to differentiate between those on the move and the legitimacy, or otherwise, of their claims to international protection has featured strongly during Europe’s ‘migration crisis’ and has been used to justify policies of exclusion and containment. Drawing on interviews with 215 people who crossed the Mediterranean to Greece in 2015, our paper challenges this ‘categorical fetishism’, arguing that the dominant categories fail to capture adequately the complex relationship between political, social and economic drivers of migration or their shifting significance for individuals over time and space. As such it builds upon a substantial body of academic literature demonstrating a disjuncture between conceptual and policy categories and the lived experiences of those on the move. However, the paper is also critical of efforts to foreground or privilege ‘refugees’ over ‘migrants’ arguing that this reinforces rather than challenges the dichotomy’s faulty foundations. Rather those concerned about the use of categories to marginalise and exclude should explicitly engage with the politics of bounding, that is to say, the process by which categories are constructed, the purpose they serve and their consequences, in order to denaturalise their use as a mechanism to distinguish, divide and discriminate.     

伊斯兰学者刘智的"元气"与日本儒者伊藤仁斋的"一元气"思想——朱子学"理"、"气"学说的批判与重构

在"文明间对话"被各国学界极为重视的当代,特别值得关注与研究的是,17-18世纪的回儒学与日本德川儒学之间的具有价值和意义的对话.刘智和伊藤仁斋是同时代不同文化背景的两位思想大师,同时受到朱子学影响,并吸收融合而产生出自己独特的思想体系.本文将探讨这两位思想家对朱子学"理"、"气"思想的重构特色.进一步想说明,不同文化...     

‘Both an Arab and a woman’: gendered,racialised experiences of female Palestinian citizens of Israel

Following feminist and postcolonial discourses, this paper uses the concept of ‘everyday experience’ as a tool to trace the social world of educated Palestinian women in Israel. The term refers to the complex array of these women's experiences in racialised and gendered social sites, as well as within the class, religious, and ethnic contexts in the subordinated group and its relations with the dominant Jewish group. Based on 108 in‐depth interviews with Palestinian women citizens of Israel, the paper claims that educated Palestinian women are located in a ‘third place’ between cultural, gender, class, national and racial structures that generates a continual ambivalence. Within this marginal, ‘unhomely’ space women negotiate their own identities and challenge dominant social definitions. Women create various modes of interim spaces and multi‐dimensional, shifting identities for themselves. The ambivalent attitudes generated by the women's experiences expose the possibility of shedding categorising markers. The omnipresent existence of the gendered, racialised regime of knowledge makes every place a potential site of subversion and resistance.     

Identification,the exercise of democracy and the fear of the Other – the June EU referendum in the UK

ABSTRACT

The focus is the oscillation among leave voters in the EU referendum from the exercise of rights - an act of dis-identification – towards the assertion of identity as members of a British community. This was mediated by voters acting in an association of citizens calling on the equalising agency of the British people whilst claiming membership of a locally circumscribed community, perceived as injured, through entanglement with the Other prominent among them Europeans. Hence the recovery of the injured community as the object of the denunciators’ desire for identity coupled with the fear of the Other. Predicated on this was the resumption of class, gender and ethnic roles reflected in division among voters. The denunciation of togetherness with Europeans served leave voters to substitute the exercise of rights with a longing for identity. Instrumental in this was the lack of deliberation in the plebiscite to articulate the will of individual voters through a general will. The ‘direct power’ exercised enabled many to cast away their role as citizen in an attempt to claim their privileges as members of a racially and culturally demarcated British community. Paradoxically, the voters’ unashamed disavowal of their agency as citizens by seeking to restore a divided social world as the source of their identity was represented as an exercise in democracy. To some playing on words was supplemented by the use of force removing the gap between the discursive exclusion of the Other and the continued physical presence of bearers of different races and culture.     

Governing multicultural Brussels: paradoxes of a multi-level,multi-cultural,multi-national urban anomaly

ABSTRACT

Updating our earlier work on Brussels as the paradigm of a multi-level, multi-cultural, multi-national city, and in the context of Brussels’s recent troubled emergence as the epicentre of violent conflict between radical political Islam and the West, this paper sets out the paradoxical intersection of national (i.e. Flemish and Francophone), non-national and ethnic minority politics in a city placed as a multi-cultural and multi-national ‘urban anomaly’ at the heart of linguistic struggle of the two dominant Belgian communities. Brussels is one of the three Regions of the Belgian federal model alongside Flanders and Wallonia. It is also an extraordinarily diverse and cosmopolitan city, in which a mixed language Belgian population lives alongside very high numbers of resident non-nationals, including European elites, other European immigrant workers, and immigrants from Africa and Asia. After laying out the complex distribution of power and competences within the Belgian federal structure, we explore whether these structures have worked over the years to include or exclude disadvantaged ethnic groups. To better understand these processes, we introduce our view of the multi-level governance perspective.