高原、民族与宗教：清代西藏城市发展特征

西藏地区城市出现较早,但发展相对缓慢。清代是西藏城市发展的一个重要时期,自然地理环境、交通、商贸的发展,清廷对西藏统治的加强以及政教合一制度的继承和发展都对西藏地区城市体系的初步形成产生了重大影响。特殊的自然地理环境决定了清代西藏的城市多分布于河谷低地区域,呈现沿河流、湖泊分布的地域特征。西藏的城市空间布局也深受藏传佛教的影响,寺庙等宗教场所成为城市的中心或重心所在。西藏地区的游牧经济也深刻地影响到城市发展进程,与内地相比,城市发展相对滞后,城市形态不完善,城市数量少,规模较小,功能单一。     

论清代西昌城市空间形制及其特征

城市空间形制包括城市地域空间的外部整体形态与规模、以及内部空间构成与布局的形式与特征,它是城市发展程度、阶段与过程的空间反映,也是城市建设和发展的物质文化基础。分析清代四川民族地区宁远府城西昌的空间形制发现。其空间形制具有军事性、政治性、民族性和地域性特征,其代表了民族城市、山地城市、沿江城市空间发展的特征与模式,折射了清代四川民族地区城市空间发展的历史。相对于民族冲突导致的城市空间形制的限定、破坏和隔离,在清代的西昌,民族融合和交往所带来的空间扩张和发展才是根本性的、主流的。     

清代藏新蒙边疆城市发展滞后原因探析

清代中国内陆边疆西藏、新疆、蒙古地区城市出现较快发展,但相比内地的城市发展仍然滞后和缓慢。脆弱的自然地理环境、频发的自然灾害、社会动乱与内外战争、落后的经济基础、人口、思想观念等都是造成藏、新、蒙边疆城市发展滞后和缓慢的原因。当前,制约内陆边疆地区城市发展的各种因素已经发生了较大的改变,部分因素却仍然存在,成为今天制约藏、新、蒙内陆边疆地区城市化的因素,因而从历史的角度进行深入探析有着重要的现实意义。     

边疆经略与直省支撑:陕西地区在清朝经略西藏中的地位和作用

清朝加强对西藏地方的管理经历了若干阶段。西藏地方发生的一些重要历史事件使得清朝不得不从直省地区调拨人力和物力以经略西藏。尽管清代陕西地区与西藏并不接壤,但由于陕西是中国古代经略西北边疆的传统重地,加之陕西独特的地理位置和较好的自然条件,这使得陕西一度成为清朝经略西藏的中枢和前沿。清代时,驻扎西安的陕甘总督(川陕总督)曾经深度参与清朝经略西藏的进程,在清朝管理西藏、保障出入藏贸易等方面发挥了重要作用,西藏事务也是清前期陕甘总督辖区变化的主要原因。清代陕西地区在军事力量、后勤供应、交通保障等方面支撑着清朝统一和管理西藏,体现了陕西地区的重要战略地位,反映了直省地区特别是边缘直省在清朝治理边疆地区事务中的重要作用。     

蒙、满、回、汉四族通婚研究──呼和浩特市区的个案

本文对呼和浩特市自古以来蒙、满、回、汉四族通婚的演化过程 进行了梳理，对四族通婚的特点及其原因进行了比较分析。研究表明：蒙、满、回、 汉四族的通婚范围和族际婚率，当代比清代和民国明显扩大和升高，且均无"上 嫁"现象。这意味着四族在城市中不仅法律上平等，事实上也大致平等。民族通 婚率高固然利于、同时也表明民族关系融洽，但通婚率低也不见得对民族交往有 害。"文化交融"或"结构交融"大规模地发生必然导致高民族通婚率，中国城市 民族通婚中"结构交融"更具有特别重要的意义。人数较少的民族群体，其成员 更有可能与族外人通婚，但由于文化交融、结构交融和政治地位的差异，二者的 关系并不完全呈负相关。     

王朝势力的地方渗透——以清代湘西妇女节烈为视角

节烈行为是中国古代妇女生活中特殊的社会现象,湘西于清代普遍出现妇女节烈,究其深刻的历史根源,无外乎国家政策影响、宗族控制及女性主观选择三个方面,但就湘西而言,新型社区宗教的影响是不可忽视的重要因素。深入分析湘西地区的妇女节烈,即可发现其存在数量多、区域分布不均的特点,此为湘西是土家族、苗族、汉族等少数民族杂居所致。概言之,通过对清代湘西地区烈女群的研究,可洞悉改土归流后中央对湘西控制的加强,这种控制不仅干预着女性个体的发展,同时也深深影响着湘西社会。     

商人会馆与近代桂东北城镇的发展变迁

清代以来商人会馆所承载的人力、商品、资金等市场化因素经由商帮的经营网络源源输入,加速了桂东北地区以手工业和农村商品经济为主要内容的商业化进程,对桂林城市经济、社会、文化的近代化发展影响深远。商人会馆由城市渐及圩镇的扩散则使圩镇成为商业化向乡村渗透的据点,圩镇由内向封闭趋于外向开放,经济功能显著增强,桂东北乡村地区的市镇化从中获得了广阔的外部动力空间。     

少数民族地区城市发展的若干思考——以甘南藏族自治州为例

本文通过对甘南藏族自治州城市发展状况的分析,总结了少数民族地区城市发展过程中的基本规律和主要问题,并提出了少数民族地区在城市发展观念、城市发展战略、城市发展模式等方面的对策性建议。     

山庄边的承德人

承德避暑山庄及其周围寺庙群1994年被联合国教科文组织列入世界文化遗产名录,现在承德是中国首批历史文化名城、首批中国优秀旅游城市。300年前,清朝康熙皇帝第一次来到这里的时候,当地还是只有十几户人家的小山村。随着避暑山庄及其周围寺庙群的崛起,承德成为清代北京以外的第二个政治中心,城市和经济都迅速发展起来。 到2002年,承德市实现国内生产总值200亿元,财政收入16.4亿元,城市居民     

清代湘西苗区屯田

清代的湘西苗区屯田,始建于嘉庆初年,是有清在边疆、民族地区所建屯田中时间较晚的一个。湘西屯田,尽管组屯的起因和目的是为了监视和镇压广大苗族人民,但由于清朝政府在建屯时,曾参照吸取了近边的如贵州古州等许多屯田经验,融军屯、民屯、苗屯于一体,使之互为补充,并在某些方面有所创新发展,从这一意义上说,湘西屯田在清代屯田     

民国时期天山北麓东路城市多民族居民生活的变化

Although the Republican era of China did not last very long, it was a significant period in which China transformed from an agricul-tural to an industrial era, and from a traditional so-ciety to a modern one. During this period, not only did the politics and economics change dramatical-ly, but also the lives of urban residents. Although Xinjiang is located in the western frontier area of inland China, since the Qing dynasty, its politi-cal, economic and cultural connections with inland China gradually increased. Xinjiang is not an iso-lated region, it actually is located in the central ar-ea of Asia. So, its openness is very pronounced. Even though during the Republican era, inland China was gripped in the chaos of war, Xinjiang’s political, economic and cultural connections with the inland were never broken. Although sometimes the central government’s control in Xinjiang was not so strong, the central government’s policies had always impacted strongly on Xinjiang. In addition, due to the continuous migration of the inland popu-lation ( especially intellectuals, and political and military people) into urban areas, such as Dihua in Xinjiang during the Republic era of China, the politics, economics and culture of inland China had a big impact on the lives of Xinjiang urban res-idents. Moreover, Xijiang is neighbors with Rus-sia. Since the middle of the 19th century, Russia, whose industrialization and modernization occurred earlier and faster than China’s, often made political and military invasions, as well as cultural infiltra-tion, into Xinjiang. After the founding of the Sovi-et Union, its influence on the cities of Xijiang gradually increased. Especially during the period when Sheng Shicai managed Xinjiang, the influ-ence of the Soviet Union on Xinjiang was the stron-gest. In addition to political influence, economic and cultural influences became more pronounced, and numerous industrial and cultural products made in the Soviet Union were imported into Xin-jiang. This had a dramatic impact on the urban residents of Xinjiang. As a political, economic and cultural center of Xinjiang, Dihua was alive with many Russians who engaged in political, economic and cultural activities. Hence, their direct or indi-rect influence on the lives of Dihua residents was stronger than in other cities. At present, the research on Xinjiang during the Republican era of China mainly focuses on the political and economic domains , and less attention is paid to its urban life. However, the changes of modernization are not only reflected in the aspects of politics and economics, but also in the field of social life. Hence, to strengthen the research on the changes in social life in urban areas of Xinjiang during the Republican era of China is significant. The Republican era of China was an important pe-riod for Xinjiang society. Although if we compare it with the urban areas along the eastern coastal ar-ea of China, the impact of western culture on the lives of urban residents in Xinjiang during this pe-riod was not so strong, and the changes in social life also reflected multi - ethnic characteristics. The changes in urban life in Xinjiang were also an important part of the changes following China’s modernization. It reflected a both generalization and a diversity of the urban changes created by China’s modernization. In addition, one should note the impact of the changes in Xinjiang’s urban life during the Republican era on that of Xinjiang during the latter half of the 20th century. Thus, it is very necessary to conduct a research on the lives of Xinjiang’s urban residents during the Republican era of China. Xinjiang has been a multi-ethnic area since ancient times, a fact which contributes the ethnic diversity that characterizes the social life of Xin-jiang cities. During the Republican era, the mate-rial life of the various ethnic groups living in Xinjiang’s cities changed successively due to the impact of external cultures, and the wave of mod-ernization. However the changes to the material lives of the various ethnic groups were different. The content of material life is very broad. General-ly speaking, it comprises people’s daily life, inclu-ding clothing, food, shelter and transportation, all of which are regarded as basic essentials for peo-ple. In a period of scarcity of goods and materials, material life became the most important thing for most of the public. Hence, changes with regard to material life, to a large extent, is reflected in the changes in the social lives of urban residents. Generally speaking, compared with the situa-tion in the Qing dynasty, the clothing in Xinjiang cities such as Dihua exhibited a big change. How-ever , this change displayed multi-ethnic and diver-sified characteristics. Concerning the food culture of Dihua urban residents during the Republican era of China, it reflected more open, inclusive and mutually influential features. In other words, the existence of a diversified food culture and diverse development was an important characteristic of the time. Concerning shelter during this period, a big change in Dihua’s urban style was that some mod-ern buildings co-appeared alongside traditional style buildings, no matter whether it was in the pri-vate space or public space. Moreover, the trans-portation mechanisms also changed during this pe-riod. Roads for cars appeared in Dihua, which opened the gate for Xinjiang’s automobile age. During the Republican era of China, most ur-ban residents in Xijiang’s cities, such as Dihua, kept their traditional customs. However, there were also some changes due to the influence of ex-ternal cultures—these changes were presented as the characteristics of pluralism, diversity and a mixture of the old and new. Multiple ethnic groups concentrated in an area in the eastern zone line of the northern foot of Mount Tianshan. During the process of history, the different ethnic groups formed their own cultures and religious beliefs. In the Republican era of China, the various ethnic groups lived in harmony most of time, and the plu-ralism and inclusiveness of cultures gradually in-creased. Generally speaking, the lives and cus-toms of the Han in Xinjiang cities, such as Dihua during the Republican era of China, were almost same as those of the Han in inland China. On one hand, they kept many of their traditional customs;yet, on the other hand, they also gradually accept-ed some new ones from external cultures. The eth-nic minorities, such as the Uygur and Hui, were deeply influenced by Islamic religious culture. Their religious cultural life exhibited almost no change during the Republican era of China, and they, for the most part, maintained their tradi-tions. During this period, in keeping with the gradual consciousness of ethnic equality, although various ethnic groups kept their own traditions, and they did not reject each others’ traditions, and instead, there was some mutual exchanges among them. This made the urban culture more diversi-fied . Not only were the festivals of the Uyghur pop-ular among themselves, the Han were also invited to participate in them. Moreover, the Han’s festi-vals, especially the Spring Festival, Lantern Festi-val and others, were also gradually accepted by other ethnic groups, and, for example, the Uy-ghur, Hui, Mongolian and Kazakhs, and others all participated in these festivals. In the middle and latter period of the Republican era, the urban cul-ture of Xinjiang exhibited a sense of openness. Within the basis of maintaining their own ethnic cultural traditions, each ethnic group showed an opened attitude to new cultures, and, hence, ur-ban culture became more diversified and rich. During the time when agriculture was more dominant , traditional cities lacked of public cultur-al spaces. Hence, Buddhist monasteries, Taoist temples and mosques became the sites for organi-zing public cultural activities in the urban areas. Since modern times, the public cultural spaces in urban areas have experienced a great change. Parks, as a new mode of public space, began to appear successively in some important cities. At the end of the Republican era of China, the public cultural space of Dihua had been further expand-ed. In 1948, there were four such kind of public cultural sites in Dihua, such as Zhongshan Park, Hongyan Lake, Shuimo River, and Wulabai. In addition to these, the cinema also played a very important role in the new entertainment life of the urban residents of Dihua. In 1944, Dihua had three movie theaters which were run respectively by the government, a businessman and a Russian. Movies had a very direct impact on the residents’ vision and mind, especially on the youth. A new movie sometimes would change some people’s view of life or the rules of their behavior. In short, the Republican era was a dramatic period of change during which China transformed from a traditional agricultural society to a modern industrial one. Following the changes in politics, economics and culture, people’s material life and cultural life were also changed. Due to the vast territory, and uneven political and economic devel-opment of China, the changes differed in various regions. Xinjiang is a frontier area in western Chi-na. Its communication with the outside world was not so convenient. Hence, compared with the east-ern coastal region, the degree of change in Xin-jiang was lower, and the speed of change was also relatively slower. However, this kind of change ac-cumulated over several decades, so, with time, the changes also became very noticeable. Howev-er , due to the uneven regional development in Xin-jiang, the changes in some cities were slow while in some they were fast. Compared with other places of Xinjiang, the changes along the eastern line of the northern foot of Mount Tianshan, and taking Dihua as the center, were faster and more obvious in the Republican era. On one hand, Di-hua was more strongly influenced by the politics, economics and culture of inland China; and, on the other hand, Dihua was also influenced more di-rectly by the politics, economics and culture of the Soviet Union With the combined role played by the both sources, the material life of the urban resi-dents of Dihua, including clothing, food, shelter and transportation, as well as the customs, and cultural entertainments, changed dramatically. This change was not only similar to that of inland cities, but it also reflected regional characteristics of Xinjiang—the characteristics of ethnicity and di-versity wee more pronounced. In addition, com-pared with Tibet which is also in the western fron-tier of China, the changes brought by the urban modernization in Xinjiang was more dramatic. This was directly connected with Xinjiang’s geographical location, natural climatic conditions, as well as its political, economic and cultural development. Al-though Xinjiang lies in the western frontier of Chi-na, its transportation connections with inland Chi-na and the outside world were more convenient than those in Tibet. During the Republican era, the railways, highways and aviation routes devel-oped relatively well, the Xinjiang’s economic, and cultural connections with both inland China and the Soviet Union were also relatively close. In addi-tion, an important natural condition which also created good conditions for the opening up of Xin-jiang is that the elevation of most areas of Xinjiang is not high—the average elevation is around 1000 meters. Hence, the natural geographical conditions promoted a population flow between Xinjiang and inland China, as well as between Xinjiang and the Soviet Union. Moreover, after the settling of Xin-jiang province at the end of the Qing dynasty, the feeldings and unity with inland China were ensured from an institutional aspect. It was just under such kind of background that the lives of the urban resi-dents living in the eastern zone of the northern foot of Mount Tianshan experienced a dramatic change, and presented a characteristic of ethnic diversity, pluralism and mixture of old and new.     

清代西藏驻军的建立与沿革

西藏自元朝纳入祖国的版图以来,各朝各代治藏政策均不相同。在元明清三朝的治藏政策中,清朝的治藏政策呈现出制度化、法律化、正规化的特点。在清朝诸多治藏政策中,长期驻军西藏,以资弹压,进行有效管理,是一个重要的方面。然而学术界对西藏驻军的建立与发展涉足研究得很少,近几年虽有所涉及,但是也侧重的是西征方面,对驻军进行系统研究的却很少,本文拟对清代西藏驻军这段历史进行一次深入地探讨。     

二十世纪河州经堂教育的两次重大突破

中国的经堂教育自16世纪中叶在陕西形成以来,逐步在全国范围内得到推广。清同治年间,随着陕西回民起义的失败,经堂教育的中心也随之西移,河州成了中国经堂教育的中心。20世纪50年代,经堂教育在河州出现了第一次重大的突破和变化;80年代,又出现了第二次突破,使河州的经堂教育在课程设置、教学方法和教材选用上突破了传统的模式。这两次改革,是20世纪河州经堂教育的两大飞跃,而这两次重大变化都发生在河州著名经师“井口四师傅”和他的弟子两代人的手上,其影响已经远远超出了河州地区的范围,扩展到了全国各地,对未来中国的经堂教育必将产生巨大的影响。     

新疆城市百年巨变:数量与规模

20世纪是一个巨变的世纪,新疆城市在这百年间发生了巨大变化。20世纪以来,新疆城市出现快速的发展,首先是城市数量大幅度增加,北疆的城市无论在数量方面,还是在规模方面都超过了南疆;其次是城市规模扩大,城市规模扩大,一方面表现为人口规模的扩大,另一方面表现为城市建成区规模的扩大,乌鲁木齐成为特大城市,并以此为中心形成了天山北路城市带;一大批在20世纪之初仅为数千人的小城镇经过百年发展成为数十万人的大城市或中等城市。随着西部大开发和新丝之路战略的实施,新疆城市又迎来了新的发展机遇,新疆城市不仅要在数量方面有大发展,而且还需要优化城市结构,提升城市发展质量,带动区域走出一条可持续发展的新型城镇化道路。     

清代青海商品经济发展水平与特点

青海地处边远,由于地理位王、气候条件、生产方式等客观条件的限制,有清一代,青海的商品经济发展滞后,并呈现出不同于其它地区的发展特点.     

清朝的皇子教育及特点

清朝的皇子教育经过入关后将近百年的发展,到乾隆时期形成"家法",对于读书地点、就学年龄、教育内容与方法、师资来源等方面均有定制.概括地说,清朝皇子教育的最大特点是"全"和"严",即学习内容全面,管理极其严格.清朝的皇子教育是相对成功的,它与秘密立储制相辅相成,在客观上延续了清朝的统治.     

"夷夏变迁"与明清"改土归流"

明清两朝都实施了改土归流政策,但其结果却大相径庭,主要原因在于两代君主民族观的差异。明朝皇帝坚持儒家传统夷夏观,对"以夷治夷"的羁縻政策有着天然的依赖性,不可能对土司制度作出彻底的改革;而本身为少数民族的清朝皇帝,因不满儒家传统夷夏观中的民族歧视而对其进行了批判继承,把从唐代就开始萌芽的"华夷一体"的新民族观应用到实际的民族政策中,其结果就是土司制度在清代的基本结束。     

试论"燕行录"中蒙古人消极形象之成因

明清易代之际,朝鲜李朝在武力威胁之下以清朝为宗主国,但其并不以清朝为中华正统而视之.对于蒙古人,李朝之恨甚于对于满人之恨,燕行录即充分体现出了对于蒙古人之极大鄙夷.归其原因:首先,在"满蒙联姻"中,李朝人视蒙古人为满清的"帮凶".其次,在信仰体系中,蒙古人藏传佛教信仰与李朝人儒教独尊之间存在冲突.再者,在华夷之辨观念中,向以"小中华"自居的李朝人视蒙古人为"夷"族.     

晚清广西城市居民消费探论

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