Preferences,the Agenda Setter,and the Distribution of Power in the EU

In this paper, we present a generalization of power indices which includes the preferences of the voters. Using a Multilinear Extension perspective (Owen in Manage Sci 18:p64–p72, 1972a) we measure the probability of the players’ voting “yes” for a particular political issue. Further, we randomize the issues and show the influence that the Agenda Setter can have on a player’s power. We demonstrate these results using data from the European Union to show how the power distribution may shift after enlargement and under the new Constitutional Treaty.     

The Inter-Institutional Distribution of Power in EU Codecision

This paper analyzes the a priori influence of the European Parliament (EP) and the Council of Ministers (CM) on legislation of the European Union adopted under its codecision procedure. In contrast to studies which use conventional power indices, both institutions are assumed to act strategically. Predicted bargaining outcomes of the crucial Conciliation stage of codecision are shown to be strongly biased towards the legislative status quo. Making symmetric preference assumptions for members of CM and EP, CM is on an average much more conservative because of its internal qualified majority rule. This makes CM by an order of magnitude more influential than EP, in contrast to a seeming formal parity between the two ‘co-legislators’.     

Parents’ income and children’s school drop-out at 16 in England and Wales: evidence from the 1970 British Cohort Study

This paper investigates the effect of parents’ income on children’s drop-out from school at age 16 using data from the 1970 British Cohort Study (BCS70). Unlike previous papers using the same data set, we use a continuous measure of income derived from the grouped income variable available in the BCS70, we employ instrumental variable techniques to address the issue of endogeneity of family income and take account of the potential endogeneity of income response with respect to a child’s education by jointly modelling the school drop-out decision and response to the family income question. Our estimates show the exogeneity of response to the income question with a child’s education and are in line with the previous literature finding a statistically significant small negative effect of family income on school drop-out at 16. On the contrary, other non-pecuniary parental effects, such as parental education and social class, turn out to be both significant and of a sizeable magnitude. Early versions of this paper benefited from presentations at the University of Warwick, the ZEW Summer Workshop 2002 on Human Capital, the European Society for Population Economics 2002 Conference and the European Economic Association 2002 Conference and comments by Martin Andrews, Lorenzo Cappellari, Charlotte Lauer, Derek Leslie, Jeremy Smith, Mark Stewart, and two anonymous referees. The BCS70 data were kindly provided by, and used with permission of, the UK Data Archive (UKDA, University of Essex). Funding from the ESRC is gratefully acknowledged. The usual disclaimer applies.     

Italy and ‘Balkan Greece’: Albanian Immigration in the 90s

The article proposes an interview with Mr. M. Baldwin Edwards—director of the Mediterranean migration observatory (MMO) based in Athens—made in January 2007. Interview object was the analysis of the way Greece faced the Albanian migration flow in the 90s. Critically he points out the actors, the strategies, the historical and sociological reasons of this response. The protection of human rights and the role of the European Union are also pointed out. The overall picture gives the impression of a Greek answer that makes a confusion between a ‘border policy’ and a ‘migration policy’ leading to a (more or less conscious) ‘non immigration policy’.     

An Examination of ‘Irregular Competition’ between Corporations and NGOs

The purpose of this article is to develop a theory which frames the demands of civil society in such a way as to better enable corporate subjects to manage and navigate ‘irregular’ engagement from activist organizations. Activist NGOs engage in advocacy at times by mounting, facilitating or encouraging popular social campaigns and actions against targeted corporations. In many cases, radical ‘direct action’ tactics are adopted, taking such approaches, NGOs may capitalise on the broader, more ethically diverse strategic possibilities open to them than are available to their corporate adversaries. We employ institutional theory to map out this asymmetric distribution of strategic possibility. We theorise NGOs and corporate subjects as effectively ‘competing’ with one another to maximise their own strategic possibilities and to minimise those of their opponents, in the perennial battle for hearts and minds that plays out between NGOs, corporate subjects, and broader civil society actors who ultimately determine boundary rules for NGO-corporate conflict. Within this context we explore the normative challenge arising from the possibility that corporate subjects might seek to tip the competitive balance by learning from how the military has adapted to successfully engage with ‘irregular’ adversaries through what is often termed ‘asymmetric’ or ‘irregular’ warfare. Should corporations follow a similar adaptive process, by mirroring the ‘irregular’ strategies of activist groups? Drawing evidence from the military experience, we suggest—perhaps counter intuitively—that such adaptations can create new opportunities for conflict resolution and for building sustainable cooperation between former adversaries.     

The power of a collectivity to act in weighted voting games with many small voters

We analyze the propensity to approve a random proposal of a large committee that makes decisions by weighted voting. The approach is a generalized version of James Coleman’s “power of a collectivity to act”. Throughout the paper it is assumed that the voters are of two kinds: a fixed (possibly empty) set of “major” (big) voters with fixed weights, and an ever-increasing number of “minor” (small) voters, whose total weight is also fixed, but where each individual’s weight becomes negligible. As our main result, we obtain that asymptotically many minor voters act like a modification of the quota for the vote among major voters. The paper estimates the rate of convergence which turns out to be very high if the weight distribution among the small voters is not too skewed. The results obtained are illustrated by evaluating the decision rules for the Council of Ministers of the EU for various scenarios of EU enlargement. I wish to thank Matthew Braham, Sidartha Gordon, Maurice Koster, Moshé Machover, Guillermo Owen and two anonymous referees for helpful comments.     

Bonuses and investment in intangibles

Traditional analyses of bonuses have focused on performance measures such as output or profit as the sole determinant of bonus pay plans. However, com-panies now use bonuses for a variety of purposes, including employee recruit-ment and retention and to obtain better outcomes in quality and customer service. These trends suggest that a host of strategic considerations influence company decisions about bonus payouts, ranging from traditional concerns such as employee performance to the company’s reputation among prospective employ-ees and customers, stakeholder influence, and support for technological and organizational change as part of company plans to develop intangible assets. Using data from 2000 ELCS (European Labor Cost Survey), I investigate the determinants of bonus payouts, in particular how a company’s concerns about intangible assets affect its bonus outlays. Consistent with a growing body of evidence, both individual and workplace effects are important in explaining the variation in the incidence of bonus payments. Specifically, the findings suggest that human capital investments are positively related to bonus payments.     

Objective measures of well-being and the cooperative production problem

 The concern for measuring well-being objectively (as opposed to subjectively, that is, relying only on preferences) is found in modern political philosophy, especially in J. Rawls’s, A. Sen’s and G. Cohen’s writings. This paper explains the implications of using an objective well-being index as equalisandum or, close to the so-called “safety net preoccupation”, to guarantee a well-being lower bound. In the simple production model studied here, five characterization results and two related theorems prove the convergence of both approaches. We come to the conclusion that the Proportional Solution is the dominant solution according to “objectivist” axioms. Received: 5 September 1994/Accepted: 29 June 1996     

Educate or serve: the paradox of “professional service” and the image of the west in legitimacy battles of post-socialist advertising

This article investigates a puzzle in the rapidly evolving profession of advertising in post-socialist Hungary: young professionals who came of age during the shift to market-driven practices want to produce advertising that is uncompromised by clients and consumers, and to educate others about western modernity. It is their older colleagues—trained during customer-hostile socialism—who emphasize that good professionals serve their clients’ needs. These unexpected generational positions show that 1) professions are more than groups expanding their jurisdiction. They are fields structured by two conflicting demands: autonomy of expertise and dependence on clients. We can explain the puzzle by noting that actors are positioning themselves on one or the other side based on their trajectory or movement in the field relative to other actors. Old and new groups vie for power in the transforming post-socialist professional field, responding to each other’s claims and vulnerabilities, exploiting the professional field’s contradictory demands on its actors. 2) The struggle is not between those who are oriented to the west and those that are not. Rather, the west is both the means and the stake of the struggle over historical continuity and professional power. Imposing a definition of the west is almost the same as imposing a definition of the profession on the field. In this historical case, “field” appears less as a stable structure based on actors’ equipment with capital, than as dynamic relations moved forward by contestation of the field’s relevant capital.     

Remembering Sartre

In this article reviewing three books on Sartre written by Ronald Aronson, Bernhard-Henri Lévy, and Ronald Santoni, I note that an enduring interest in Sartre’s life and philosophy centers on the justifiability of revolutionary violence and terror. I argue that critics too often, and sometimes obsessively, focus on the same texts and actions, typically related to his support for communism in the 1950s. They thus often reproduce a Cold War narrative of his life and work, wrongly obscuring his other great political engagement on behalf of national liberation and anticolonial resistance movements around the world. When critics do, however, consider his views in relationship to decolonization, they are often reduced to the muckracking pages of his preface to Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth – a text that is in fact unrepresentative of positions he took in more sustained works, such as The Critique of Dialectical Reason and the 1964 “Rome Lecture” on ethics. I suggest that this “Cold War lens” ought to be removed, so that a fuller and more nuanced understanding of Sartre’s views on political violence might be achieved. Indeed, Aronson’s book is the only one among the three that begins to make this move.

---

Rationality,external norms,and the epistemic value of menus

Ever since Sen’s criticism of internal consistency properties of choice, there exists a perception that the standard rational choice approach has difficulties in coping with the existence of external norms, or the information a menu of choice might convey to a decision maker. This article provides a brief survey of possible responses to these criticisms of traditional rational choice theory. We review approaches to the internalization of external norms as well as ways to formulate norm-conditional rationalizability. Furthermore, we illustrate how the epistemic value of an opportunity set can be incorporated into rational choice theory.     

Power Indices in the European Union

We analyze the power of the countries in the decisional mechanism of the European Council along an evolutionary path from the old conventional votes mechanism prevailing in the 15-countries European Union via the rules defined in the Nice treaty for various possible enlargements to the future decisional rules defined in the Constitutional Chart, which will become effective from 2009. The theoretical tools applied are the power indices of Banzhaf and Coleman and Shapley and Shubik within the frame of the multicriteria-weighted-majority games. The results unequivocally show a path moving from a power transfer from the more to the less populated countries toward a country power corresponding to the population numerosity.     

The american labor movement and employee ownership: Objections to and uses of employee stock ownership plans

This paper analyzes the evolution of American unions’ attitudes and policies concerning employee ownership that coincided with the rapid growth of employee stock-ownership plans during the 1980s. From an initial position of opposing employee ownership and viewing it as a threat, many major unions have come to accept, and in some cases to promote, stock ownership for their members. Among the factors driving this change of view have been economic necessity, evidence that many of the labor movement’s traditional concerns about employee ownership are largely unfounded, and the growing realization among unions that employee ownership is a potentially useful strategic asset.     

How the market responds to dynamically inconsistent preferences

This paper responds to the ‘soft paternalist’ argument that the findings of behavioural economics make traditional objections to paternalism incoherent. We show that there is a normatively significant sense in which, even if individuals lack coherent preferences, competitive markets are efficient in providing them with opportunities to get what they want. Extending earlier analysis by Sugden, we model a multi-period ‘storage economy’ and explore the implications of dynamically inconsistent preferences. We show that, despite apparent conflicts of judgement between an individual’s ‘selves’, competitive markets provide maximal opportunity, and that they do so by facilitating voluntary exchanges between selves.     

The challenge of training in applied sociology

This paper adds to the current dialogue in our discipline regarding the challenge of expanding nonacademic employment opportunities for sociologists and training our students for such employment. The argument is made that this challenge should be seen as an opportunity for us to demonstrate the relevance of our knowledge and expertise to society and to advance the intellectual development of our discipline. Moreover, the achievement of these benefits does not require sacrificing the distinctive intellectual core of sociology as a humanistic liberal arts discipline. To help bridge the gap between academic and nonacademic cultures, several interrelated strategies are suggested that address issues of marketing and public relations, as well as curriculum revision. The internship, as a key feature of “applied” programs, is crucial in terms of both training students and facilitating our contacts with potential employers. where he developed the department’s internship program, and has done consultation with religious and social service organizations. where he helped develop the Master’s program in applied sociology, and has done extensive consultation with business organizations regarding their needs for sociological skills and expertise. which is jointly sponsored by the College of Business and Management and the Department of Sociology, and which conducts studies in organizational design, entrepreneurship, and strategic management at the University of Maryland in College Park. has done extensive consultation and research with business organizations and the military on personnel and family issues. in Jacksonville and utilizes sociological concepts in courses on organizational management and design. a member of the ASA Ad Hoc Committee on Under- and Un-employment. where he recently completed a term as Head of the Department and a leave of absence to the staff of the Joint Economic Committee of the U.S. Congress.     

Migrants as strategic actors in the European Union's Global Approach to Migration and Mobility

The European Union's discourse of ‘partnership’ in the Global Approach to Migration and Mobility and the widely expressed critique of this discourse as a process of ‘externalization’ of EU policy both depend on unitary accounts of the main policy actors involved. Two separate literatures contest such unitary accounts. Within political science and international relations, institutional approaches identify a range of strategic actors involved in policy development; in anthropology, there is a well‐established interest in the strategic behaviour of disempowered actors. In this article, I set out to link these two approaches with an examination of undocumented migrants as strategic actors. I use a case study of events at the borders between Morocco and the Spanish enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla in late 2005, which have proved extremely influential in the continued development of the EU's global approach, to identify the ways in which even highly marginalized migrants were able to develop transnational social organizations.     

Towards a historical sociology of constitutional legitimacy

This article has two primary objectives. First, it sets out the methodological argument that the conventional antinomy between normative and sociological approaches to questions of state legitimacy depends on a series of false constructions, and that normative and sociological – or specifically historical–sociological – analyses of states and the processes by which they obtain legitimacy can be (and ought to be) mutually reinforcing. This argument hinges on the claim that historical sociology should renounce some of its common presuppositions regarding the coercive functions of state power and reformulate itself as a normative social science, identifying and promoting models of statehood likely to obtain legitimacy in modern differentiated societies. Second, it sets out the more substantive argument that the legitimization of states can be observed both as an evolutionary or adaptive dimension of state formation and as a process of theoretical self-reflection in which the societies where states are located construct and refine the most adequate form for the transmission of the power they designate as political. In this respect, the article questions common assumptions about politics and legitimacy and makes a case for a change of paradigm in the analysis of these concepts. Through this change of paradigm, politics itself and the methods used for securing legitimacy for politics are constructed as abstracted articulations of a society’s own needs and exigencies. The article borrows elements from the systemic-functionalist sociology of Niklas Luhmann to develop the argument. In this context, the article also uses historical case studies to outline a theory of constitutions and constitutional rights. This theory explains how constitutions and constitutional rights help to generate legitimacy for states by enabling modern political systems, both normatively and functionally, to reflect and stabilize their position in society, to control the volume of politics in a society, and to elaborate socially adequate techniques for applying and restricting political power. The article concludes by suggesting that historical–sociological analyses of the functions of rights and constitutions can provide a key to proposing both normatively and sociologically founded models of legitimate statehood.

---

Déjà vu for airline industrial relations

Fifteen years after deregulation, labor relations in the airline industry returned to thestatus quo ante, as union power, particularly ALPA’s, still dominates. Without a long-term shift in bargaining power between the parties, costs and productivity have not changed much. Labor accounts for 60 percent of the cost difference between strong and low-cost carriers. American, Delta, United, Northwest, and USAir would require some combination of labor cost concessions or productivity increases of $1.6 billion to match the productivity-adjusted labor costs for low-cost carriers’ flight crews. To remain competitive, strong carriers and unions must develop strategies to deal with anachronistic work rules, provisions to contract out work, and premium pay for airline employees.     

Is labor-management climate important? some Canadian evidence

I investigate the relationship between labor-management climate and perceptions of productivity, product!service quality, and customer!client satisfaction using a regional and national sample of Canadian organizations and a regional sample of local unions. Overall, the ordered probit results reveal a strong relationship between labor-management climate and measures of organizational performance with a more positive labor-management climate associated with more favorable scores on the performance variables. This study was funded by grants from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada and the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada/Saint Mary’s University Matching Grants Fund.     

Robert E. Park reconsidered: The early writings

Despite Robert E. Park’s prominence in American sociology, his early writings (before 1913) have been neglected. This article argues that Park’s early writings illustrate an important transitional phase in twentieth-century sociological thought. As sociology moved out of German romantic philosophy and toward rationalism and positivism, it had to come to terms with the existence of evil in the world. Park’s essays on the Congo formulated a more complex perspective on modernity’s modes of evil. Along with the Congo essays, Park’s Black Belt studies form a comprehensive portrait of the double-sided moral character and socioeconomic effects of the Reformation. Park’s early writings adumbrate a Gothic sociology of horror, in which the civilizational process erodes the many folk cultures that it draws into its basic forms—civil society and urban life. This article is a revised version of a paper presented at the annual meetings of the American Sociological Association, August 1990. Adapted from Stanford M. Lyman,Militarism, Imperialism, and Racial Accommodation: An Analysis and Interpretation of the Early Writings of Robert E. Park (Fayetteville: The University of Arkansas Press, 1991).