民族地区农业产业化与农业支柱产业的选择化的关键环节

]做好民族地区农业支柱产业的选择,是发展民族地区农业产业和必然选择.分析农业支柱产业对民族地区农业产业化的作用,指出民族地区的干部群众要立足本地的责源优势,充分利用包括西部大开发在内的各种有利条件和发展机遇,大力发展符合本地的农业支柱产业,推动民族地区农业产业化及农村经济的发展.     

西南民族地区民间经济组织在特色农业发展中的独特作用

近年来,西南民族地区民间经济组织发展迅速,它在市场、技术、资金、特色农业产业化、行业管理、产业结构调整等方面极大地促进了这一民族地区特色农业的发展,但民间经济组织存在的发展缓慢、职能单一、市场化程度低等问题在一定程度上阻碍了特色农业的发展.因此,完善和促进民间经济组织是发展西南民族地区特色农业的必需.     

加快城镇化建设促进民族地区经济发展

民族地区的城镇化建设直接影响着民族地区经济发展的进程.我国民族地区城镇化水平较低,城镇化进程缓慢、民族地区城镇化滞后加重了人与土地的紧张关系,影响了剩余劳动力的转移,阻碍了民族地区产业结构调整和市场发育.加快发展城镇化的关键因素在于从思想上充分认识城镇化的重要性,在方向上促进大中小城市城镇协调发展,加快产业化进程,推动政府职能转型.     

民族地区村镇新农村建设经济发展问题与对策——以黑龙江牡丹江市为例

在加快现代农业发展的同时,要加大统筹城乡发展力度,进一步夯实农业农村发展。加快产业发展是其核心内容,产业发展不仅是加快现代农业和农村建设的有效手段,而且是推动新农村建设的强大动力。民族地区新农村建设的瓶颈恰恰是经济发展问题、产业发展问题,具体表现为:产业单一、市场化水平低;集体经济严重匮乏;农业合作组织发展滞后;劳动力转移问题。在研讨民族地区村镇新农村建设经济发展问题的基础上,本文提出民族地区全面建成小康社会的对策:应以小城镇化为切入点,加快民族地区的城乡统筹和城乡一体化进程。     

江西:民族地区生态文明建设成效显著

2008年11月29日,江西省政府在南康市召开了全省民族地区生态文明建设现场会,对前一阶段民族地区生态文明建设工作进行了经验总结,对下一阶段的工作进行了具体部署。副省长熊盛文在会上要求,民族地区生态文明建设还需要把握几个重点,即要把民族地区生态文明建设与国家扩大内需的决策部署结合起来,与省委、省政府的重大决策部署结合起来,与新农村建设结合起来,与农业产业化结合起来。当前,江西民族地区干部群众正根据党的十七大和十七届三中全会精神,根据省政府的具体部署,在全面建设小康社会和社会主义新农村的进程中,加快实现民族地区生态文明、人与自然和谐相处、经济社会协调可持续发展。     

大力推广电脑农业 促进民族地区发展

在科学技术高速发展的当今世界,信息化、产业化已经成为推动农业现代化的重要手段,成为农业发展的必然选择。民族地区农业人口比重大,农业经济在国民经济发展中占有重要位置。由于历史、自然等原因,民族地区生产力水平低下、技术手段落后,严重制约着农业经济的发展,直接影响到农牧民增收、脱贫、奔小康。转变观念,开拓创新,用代表先进生产力水平的信息化技术推进民族地区农村经济跨越式发展,是新时期新阶段民族经济工作的重要任务。国家863计划支持开发的智能化农业信息技术,是信息时代的产物,是农民易于操作的一项科技含量高、综合效益好的…     

湖南省农业厅:用科学发展观引导湖南民族地区农业开发

为认真贯彻落实省委、省政府关于加大对少数民族和民族地区扶持的精神,我厅充分发挥职能优势,突出农业生产和农民培训两大主题,切实帮助少数民族和民族地区解决“三农”问题,有效地推动了少数民族地区经济社会发展。1、积极引导少数民族地区实施农业战略性结构调整。农业经济结构单一是制约我省少数民族和民族地区农业经济发展的根本原因。为切实改变这种现状,我省各级农业部门努力创造条件,不断加大少数民族地区农业结构调整力度,促进民族地区农业经济加快发展。一是制定完善了全省地方特色产业发展规划。有计划、有步骤地从资金、技术等方…     

天南地北

海南制定12条政策加快民族地区经济和社会发展为了加快民族地区经济文化事业发展,使之与全省的经济和社会发展相适应,促进各民族的共同繁荣,中共海南省委、省人民政府最近作出《关于加快民族地区经济和社会发展若干问题的决定》: 一、加快民族地区经济和社会发展,是海南各民族的共同任务。二、逐年增加对少数民族地区的投入。三、在民族地区开发资源,兴办企业,要着眼于带动和促进民族地区经济的发展。四、采取措施加速民族工业的发展。五、民族自治地方要进一步深化改革,扩大开放,积极搞好外引内联。六、加强民族地区农业基础设施建设,促进成片开发。     

全面落实科学发展观 促进民族地区县域经济又好又快发展

湖南作为中部地区的农业大省,近年来工业化、农业产业化和城镇化进程稳步推进,成果显著,但从县域层面来看,同沿海发达省区仍有较大差距。尤其是民族地区县域经济,更是湖南经济发展的"短板"。11月30日,由湖南省民族事务委员会、湖南省经济委员会主办,湖南省县域经济研究会、湖南省民族银发产业开发投资有限公司协办的湖南民族地区县域经济战略研讨会在长沙召开。会议期间,本刊记者就民族地区县域经济发展问题,特别采访了湖南省民委分管民族经济工作的副主任赵仁秀女士。     

民族地区生态旅游业体系化发展浅谈

为充分发挥民族地区旅游资源优势。加快生态旅游产业化发展步伐，以此带动其他相关产业进而促进民族地区经济社会全面发展，就民族地区生态旅游发展和整个旅游可持续发展的工作角度看，应大力加强各个方面的措施，推动生态旅游业体系化发展。     

Differential citizenship: questioning the dalit claim to equal citizenship through a projection of difference

Citizenship for dalits has been historically defined with relation to the demand for equality. However, this demand has witnessed a change in the last few decades where the agency of the dalits has manifested itself in the demand for a differential citizenship, where differentiation, and not homogeneity, has become the basis for the demand for equality. The study with the help of the textual analysis of Aravind Malagatti’s Government Brahmana and Omprakash Valmiki’s Joothan argues that the demand for equal citizenship through the recognition of difference has created a paradoxical situation where the recognition of difference has not led to an equal treatment, but has opened up newer avenues for discrimination instead. The study proposes to accomplish this by providing an insight into the manner in which differential citizenship has become the reason for denial of performative citizenship to the dalits in rural and urban public spaces. Some of the key questions that the study addresses are: How is the performativity of differential citizenship in the public spaces foregrounded by the dalits? Why does this foregrounding evoke violent retribution from the upper caste? And does the continued violation of the imposition of dalit citizenship point to the dysfunctionality of the differential citizenship status accorded to the dalits?     

Citizenship, ‘rubbished’ dissidents and local restoration of the dead – the execution of Luri political activists in south-western Iran

The paper's focus is a critical moment in the trajectory of the Islamic state in Iran, the trace of which was still discernible in the presidential election of 2009. It draws on ethnographic research among the Lurs of south-western Iran between 1979–1982 to examine the impact of the abolition of politics as contested representations at the centre on a ‘remote’ periphery. The end of a short-lived political activity, as a distinct form of power, in Iran in 1981 was earmarked by mass executions of which only 1600 had been officially counted for the period of 20 June to September 1981 (Amnesty International). The executed were guilty of expressing dissent against divine rule of which the Islamic state was an embodiment. Although the Lurs paid a less heavy penalty for this ‘crime’ than elsewhere in the country the survivors' response to the loss of a young relative in the hands of Islamic executioners was noticeably muted. The response is looked at as the restoration of the status of the dead to the executed relative whose body had been ‘rubbished’ – wrapped in an American flag and abandoned unburied in a desolate place by the Muslim executioners. The paper argues ‘rubbishing’ signified the annihilation of citizenship under the Islamic rule in which the body of the citizen is seen as harbouring ‘the most corrupt’ subject, the sinner who could not even be ‘rectified’ through a less destructive use of force – flogging and mutilation. It, therefore, had to be disposed of – ‘rubbished’. The survivors, on the other hand, by confining themselves to the symbolic return of the executed relative to the community left unacknowledged his quest for equality and liberty. By their reluctance to remember and recount the executed's words and deeds the survivors refused to grant him the ‘immortality’ of a citizen whose death outlived his destruction. The brutal suppression of political agency at the centre and its muted recognition in the periphery are explained as a negation of political power. The power entails postponing the use of force to the last resort thus allowing plurality as a human condition to be realised. Consequent on this realisation is the publicly contested opinions by many who would inevitably challenge the truths guarded by few both at the centre and periphery. It was this challenge that led the ruling mullahs to invoke the Koranic Truths to annihilate the disseminators of opinions. The unspoken citizenship of the annihilated dissidents in the periphery served in turn to reassert the Lurs' historically cherished otherness geared to the use of force. The citizenship called for a discursive inclusion of Lurs, through the use of ‘the pen’, in a wider world, by postponing the use of force. In contrast, the traditional Luri rebels relied heavily on an immediate use of force, through the celebrated ‘rifle’, to perpetuate their perceived inaccessibility. Resistance leads to emancipation, the paper argues, when the particularised subjectivity of local actors is superseded in the universal – objectified – political space in which the agent, i.e. the citizen, overrides the boundaries within which localness is reproduced.     

伊斯兰学者刘智的"元气"与日本儒者伊藤仁斋的"一元气"思想——朱子学"理"、"气"学说的批判与重构

在"文明间对话"被各国学界极为重视的当代,特别值得关注与研究的是,17-18世纪的回儒学与日本德川儒学之间的具有价值和意义的对话.刘智和伊藤仁斋是同时代不同文化背景的两位思想大师,同时受到朱子学影响,并吸收融合而产生出自己独特的思想体系.本文将探讨这两位思想家对朱子学"理"、"气"思想的重构特色.进一步想说明,不同文化...     

建立西部民族文化生态村的构想--以湖北景阳镇为个案研究

湖北景阳是个自然、文化生态资源极其丰富的少数民族社区,由于清江水布垭电站的建设,景阳新镇的移民搬迁,即使景阳口传及非物质文化面临着传承的危机,又是构建西部少数民族地区民族文化生态村、发展旅游业的绝好时机。选择好民族文化生态村建点模式;认清旅游业的发展将带给社区文化的影响;维护文化与生态环境的和谐,可为建立西部民族文化村,谋求西部社会经济的可持续发展提供一个可借鉴的范式。     

中国穆斯林人口分布格局浅析

人口分布格局 ,既是人在空间分布上呈现出来的地理状态 ,又是许多附着于分布环境上的社会人文变量的外在表现 ,因此对其进行研究具有探索自然和认识社会的双重意义。本文就中国穆斯林人口的分布格局进行探讨 ,从历史和现实两方面分析了形成这种分布的原因 ,旨在挖掘出隐藏其后的信息     

Identification,the exercise of democracy and the fear of the Other – the June EU referendum in the UK

ABSTRACT

The focus is the oscillation among leave voters in the EU referendum from the exercise of rights - an act of dis-identification – towards the assertion of identity as members of a British community. This was mediated by voters acting in an association of citizens calling on the equalising agency of the British people whilst claiming membership of a locally circumscribed community, perceived as injured, through entanglement with the Other prominent among them Europeans. Hence the recovery of the injured community as the object of the denunciators’ desire for identity coupled with the fear of the Other. Predicated on this was the resumption of class, gender and ethnic roles reflected in division among voters. The denunciation of togetherness with Europeans served leave voters to substitute the exercise of rights with a longing for identity. Instrumental in this was the lack of deliberation in the plebiscite to articulate the will of individual voters through a general will. The ‘direct power’ exercised enabled many to cast away their role as citizen in an attempt to claim their privileges as members of a racially and culturally demarcated British community. Paradoxically, the voters’ unashamed disavowal of their agency as citizens by seeking to restore a divided social world as the source of their identity was represented as an exercise in democracy. To some playing on words was supplemented by the use of force removing the gap between the discursive exclusion of the Other and the continued physical presence of bearers of different races and culture.     

The Rohingya Crisis: The Centrality of Identity and Citizenship

The article examines the recent developments of Rohingya refugee crisis, especially in the aftermath of August 2017 violence which led to the exodus of hundreds of thousands of people across the border to Bangladesh. It analyzes the three-stage-plan proposed by China and the repatriation agreement between Myanmar and Bangladesh and argues that ethnic identity and citizenship issues are fundamental to the Rohingya conundrum. Without addressing these core issues, which thus far have been paid little or no serious consideration, there is a danger of recurrence of violence. While the Myanmar authorities are ready to address some of the immediate concerns, such as providing accommodation and food, evidences suggest that the government does not have the political will, at least at the moment, to address the core issues of ethnic identity and citizenship, as well as the related security concerns.     

Refugees,migrants, neither,both: categorical fetishism and the politics of bounding in Europe’s ‘migration crisis’

The use of the categories ‘refugee’ and ‘migrant’ to differentiate between those on the move and the legitimacy, or otherwise, of their claims to international protection has featured strongly during Europe’s ‘migration crisis’ and has been used to justify policies of exclusion and containment. Drawing on interviews with 215 people who crossed the Mediterranean to Greece in 2015, our paper challenges this ‘categorical fetishism’, arguing that the dominant categories fail to capture adequately the complex relationship between political, social and economic drivers of migration or their shifting significance for individuals over time and space. As such it builds upon a substantial body of academic literature demonstrating a disjuncture between conceptual and policy categories and the lived experiences of those on the move. However, the paper is also critical of efforts to foreground or privilege ‘refugees’ over ‘migrants’ arguing that this reinforces rather than challenges the dichotomy’s faulty foundations. Rather those concerned about the use of categories to marginalise and exclude should explicitly engage with the politics of bounding, that is to say, the process by which categories are constructed, the purpose they serve and their consequences, in order to denaturalise their use as a mechanism to distinguish, divide and discriminate.     

The emerald isle: Ireland and the clash of Irish and Ulster-British nationalisms

This article will focus on the development of Irish and Ulster-British nationalisms through examining five factors that had the greatest impact on the creation and growth of these nationalisms: the geographic and topographic setting; demographic changes; sociocultural factors; economic and class factors; and the impact of the colonial power. The article will show that nationalism is driven by variables that originate from broader processes extending beyond the national group.     

Governing multicultural Brussels: paradoxes of a multi-level,multi-cultural,multi-national urban anomaly

ABSTRACT

Updating our earlier work on Brussels as the paradigm of a multi-level, multi-cultural, multi-national city, and in the context of Brussels’s recent troubled emergence as the epicentre of violent conflict between radical political Islam and the West, this paper sets out the paradoxical intersection of national (i.e. Flemish and Francophone), non-national and ethnic minority politics in a city placed as a multi-cultural and multi-national ‘urban anomaly’ at the heart of linguistic struggle of the two dominant Belgian communities. Brussels is one of the three Regions of the Belgian federal model alongside Flanders and Wallonia. It is also an extraordinarily diverse and cosmopolitan city, in which a mixed language Belgian population lives alongside very high numbers of resident non-nationals, including European elites, other European immigrant workers, and immigrants from Africa and Asia. After laying out the complex distribution of power and competences within the Belgian federal structure, we explore whether these structures have worked over the years to include or exclude disadvantaged ethnic groups. To better understand these processes, we introduce our view of the multi-level governance perspective.