Refugee resettlement: models in action

"A model of refugee resettlement containing two axes is proposed: volume of refugee intake and emphasis on economic or cultural adaptation." The refugee resettlement practices of Canada, France, and the United States are then described. The author notes that France and Canada favor a moderate intake of refugees with emphasis on economic adaptation, although the emphasis in Quebec is on cultural adaptation. In contrast, the United States accepts a large volume of refugees, with a similar emphasis on economic adaptation.     

The Vile and the Noble

This article examines the concept of terroir—a French word that captures the correspondence between the physical and human features of a place and the character of its agricultural products. Tied to the protection of economic rents threatened by competition and fraud, the practice of classifying certain lands, grapes, and properties both substantively and qualitatively has become the organizing principle of the entire French wine industry. Often derided as snobbish monopolistic practices by New World producers, the notion terroir in France and its rejection in America both exemplify how the “principles of vision and division” of the natural world are always intertwined with the “principles of vision and division” of the social world. The present article discusses these affinities through an analysis of wine classifications in the French regions of Bordeaux and Burgundy, and some of the critiques they have given rise to, in the United States especially.     

The French Tradition of Sociology of International Relations: An Overview

International Relations (IR) is an Anglo-American discipline. It was founded in 1919 at Aberystwyth University. Immediately after the Second World War it found a particularly fertile ground for its development in the United States. Even if the discipline remained marked by its Anglo-American origins, a sociological school of international relations emerged in France in the 1960s, with two main authors Raymond Aron and Marcel Merle. This French sociology of international relations already dated back to the eighteenth century with Montesquieu and Tocqueville. In the context of the First and Second World Wars, Emile Durkheim and Marcel Mauss, produced an embryonic sociology of international relations. After the Second World War, Aron’s sociology of international relations marked a break with the French school. His sociology was influenced by Max Weber and Carl von Clausewitz. He produced a comprehensive and historical tradition of international relations sociology and his analyses had a strong influence in IR specialists during the entire period of the Cold War. Today, his thought continues to exert influence on French and foreign internationalists as an essential reference point of the discipline. Marcel Merle, for his part, influenced by the work of Durkheim and Mauss, created an explanatory, positive school studying transnational relations which exerted influence on French and foreign internationalists as well. This contribution offers an historical overview of the development of this French tradition of sociology of international relations from the eighteenth century to the present time.     

Multidimensional tests for economic behavior differences across cultures

We investigate whether cultural differences exist across a broader set of economic behaviors than previously tested. A variety of cultural dimensions of economic relevance were identified based on anthropological and sociological literatures. Experiments were constructed to measure these dimensions in an economic context. Data were collected in China, France, Niger, and two locations in the United States. Data analysis reveals significant differences across countries in all types of economic behavior considered, suggesting strong cultural influences on multiple types of economic behavior and preferences. When making pair-wise group comparisons we see certain patterns of similarity arising across locations for specific types of behavior. Only the two United States locations share nearly identical behavior across experiments. Other locations may share similar strategic behavior to each other, but dissimilar individual economic preferences or vice versa.     

What About a Sociology of Ethnicity in France? A Foucaldian Reading of Racial Violence

In 1995, the publication of “Theories of ethnicity” by Philippe Poutignat and Jocelyne Streiff-Fenart pointed out the new interest of French sociology for this theme. Since that time, the number of research about ethnicity has been gradually increasing. Yet, certain questions remain unsettled. In France, sociology of ethnicity does not constitute a full-fledged field. In parallel, ethnicity works are still inspired by Anglo-Saxon research. Eventually, contrary to what happened in the United States, sociologists did not draw on the Foucaldian library to nourish close and relevant fields such as subaltern or postcolonial studies. On the basis of a research regarding the immigration policy and the racial violence perpetrated against North African migrants in France during the 1970s, this article adopts a critical perspective with the aim to restore the failed dialogue in France between the Foucaldian analysis of State racism and the study of ethnicity.     

Social problem construction and national context: news reporting on "overweight" and "obesity" in the United States and France

Drawing on analyses of American and French news reports on "overweight" and "obesity," this article examines how national context—including position in a global field of nation states, as well as different national politics and culture—shapes the framing of social problems. As has been shown in previous research, news reports from France—the economically dominated but culturally dominant nation of the two—discuss the United States more often than vice versa, typically in a negative way. Our contribution is to highlight the flexibility of anti-American rhetoric, which provides powerful ammunition for a variety of social problem frames. Specifically, depending on elite interests, French news reports may invoke anti-American rhetoric to reject a given phenomenon as a veritable public problem, or they may use such rhetoric to drum up concern over an issue. We further show how diverse cultural factors shape news reporting. Despite earlier work showing that a group-based discrimination frame is more common in the United States than in France, we find that the U.S. news sample is no more likely to discuss weight-based discrimination than the French news sample. We attribute this to specific barriers to this particular framing, namely the widespread view that body size is a behavior, akin to smoking, rather than an ascribed characteristic, like race. This discussion points, more generally, to some of the mechanisms limiting the diffusion of frames across social problems.     

The Great Recession,Fertility, and Uncertainty: Evidence From the United States

The Great Recession produced the highest rates of unemployment and foreclosure in the United States since the Great Depression. In this article the author examines the consequences of these poor economic conditions for fertility in the United States by estimating the effect of area‐level economic conditions on state fertility in the years leading up to and including the Great Recession. The economic impacts of the Great Recession, captured by state‐level economic conditions, had a strong negative effect on fertility in models with state and year fixed effects. These reductions in fertility were likely caused both by increased economic hardship and increased economic uncertainty.     

Anti-elite politics and emotional reactions to socio-economic problems: Experimental evidence on “pocketbook anger” from France,Germany, and the United States

Many observers have noticed the importance of anger in contemporary politics, particularly with reference to populism. This article addresses the question under which conditions people become angry about a specific aspect of their lives: their personal financial situation. Specifically, it asks if populist anti-elite rhetoric has a causal influence on anger and if this influence differs across socio-economic groups. The theoretical expectation is that anti-elite rhetoric allows people to externalize responsibility for an unfavorable financial situation and thereby to turn negative self-conscious emotions into anger. The argument is tested with original survey data from France, Germany, and the United States. The empirical analysis yields three main insights. First, negative emotional reactions to respondents’ personal finances (and anger in particular) are surprisingly widespread in all three countries. Second, there is a pronounced socio-economic gradient in the distribution of anger and other negative emotions. Third, and most importantly, randomly exposing participants to populist anti-elite rhetoric causes considerably higher expressed anger about one's financial situation in France and Germany, but less so in the United States. This suggests a causal role of anti-elite rhetoric in stirring “pocketbook anger.” This is true in particular in the middle classes. The notion that populist rhetoric reduces negative self-conscious emotions, such as shame, is not supported by the data.     

作为亚文化的五月风暴:勾连实践与感觉结构

在法国1968年五月风暴事件中,亚文化作为美国当时的文化现象,通过媒介等介质传到法国,间接影响了法国的五月风暴事件。当以风格抵抗的亚文化在五月风暴中转换为切实的对抗行动的那一刻,意识形态的断裂处就缝合起来了,此时亚文化与五月风暴形成了独特的勾连,在一定程度上推动了法国青年学生群体的行动与抵抗。而两者勾连后的同一性又形成了这一代青年反抗群体独有的感觉结构,即嬉皮精神。嬉皮精神作为五月风暴中青年群体的感觉结构,内化为五月风暴参与者的抵抗行为,以及亚文化再生产的精神驱力。     

INEQUALITY AND GROWTH IN THE UNITED STATES: WHY PHYSICAL AND HUMAN CAPITAL MATTER

We investigate the relationship between economic growth and top income inequality under the influence of human and physical capital accumulation, using an annual panel of U.S. state‐level data. Our analysis is based upon the “unified” framework offered by Galor and Moav (2004) while the empirics account for cross‐section dependence, parameter heterogeneity, and endogeneity, in nonstationary series. We conclude that changes in inequality do not influence growth, neither in the short run nor in the long run in the United States as a whole in the 1929–2013 period. Our findings are robust to the inclusion of overall income inequality measures. These findings provide support for the theoretical prediction of the unified theory of inequality and growth, according to which the growth effect of inequality becomes insignificant in the latest stages of economic development that the United States experiences during our period of investigation. Therefore, future policies aiming at moderating the concentration at the upper end of income distribution are not likely to have adverse growth consequences in developed countries such as the United States. (JEL I21, O47, C23)     

Towards a global theory of colorblindness: Comparing colorblind racial ideology in France and the United States

In this article, we apply key tenants of colorblindness, as a racial ideology developed in the United States, to France. In France, colorblindness means more than not seeing how race structures opportunities and outcomes; it also means not acknowledging racial and ethnic categories. Colorblindness arose in a different historical context, for different reasons, and as a product of different mechanisms in France than it did in the United States. We argue that despite variations in the contexts and mechanisms underpinning colorblindness between the United States and France, the consequences are markedly similar in both contexts. Colorblind ideology silences opposition to racial and ethnic inequality and maintains white supremacy in both contexts. Finally, we demonstrate that such a comparison moves us closer towards aglobal theory of colorblindness.     

U.S. Deportation Policy,Family Separation,and Circular Migration

Since the mid‐1990s the United States has enacted a series of laws that make it easier to deport noncitizens. Drawing on findings from interviews with a random sample of 300 Salvadoran deportees, we examine how family relations, ties, remittance behavior, and settlement experiences are disrupted by deportation, and how these ties influence future migration intentions. We find that a significant number of deportees were long‐term settlers in the United States. Many had established work histories and had formed families of their own. These strong social ties in turn influence the likelihood of repeat migration to the United States.     

A modest test of cross-cultural differences in sexual modesty,embarrassment and self-disclosure

Borrowing Hall's (1976) analytic distinction between Low and High Context Cultures, seven hypotheses distinguishing German nudists (low context) from French nudists (high context) are deduced. Data collected at public nudism beaches in France and Germany supports these differences; namely, that Germans have more overt time-space segmentation of activities, less differentiation of sexuality and sensuality, less body display, more male-dominated cross-sex body contact, more segregation of parts of the body, more staring behavior and more concern with accentuation of the body. These differences lead to conclusions that formulations by Weinberg (1964) of embarrassment and modesty are specific to high context cultures like the United States and West Germany and are inappropriate in low context cultures like France. Future trends in nudism are discussed along with the implications for modesty, embarrassment and self-disclosure.     

Global interaction,global inequality,and migration of the highly trained to the United States

The authors "argue that national variation in the size of highly trained migration can be explained by interaction and inequality between nations, both reflecting the process of global integration. Guided by this analytical framework, we tested the structural determinants of highly skilled migration to the United States. The evidence confirms our hypotheses that economic and educational interactions between sending countries and the United States increase the flow of the highly trained to the United States. Results also provide mixed proof for our hypotheses that levels of professional migration are positively associated with disparities between sending countries and the United States in living conditions, research conditions, children's educational opportunities, political conditions, and professional employment opportunities."     

埃及“7·3”事件后美国对埃援助政策研究

埃及被认为是美国在中东地区和阿拉伯世界最坚定的盟友。美国自1979年埃及与以色列签署和平协议以来，每年向埃及提供大量的军事与经济援助。2013年7月3日，埃及民选总统穆罕默德·穆尔西被埃及军队废黜。根据联邦法律，美国暂停对埃及的部分援助。本文从“7·3”事件后美国对埃及援助的变化及其特点、影响援助变化的主要原因进行分析，展现美国对埃及援助政策中的复杂利益和战略考量，根据对历史与现实的分析，预测美国今后对埃援助政策的走势。     

FIRMS AND FLEXIBILITY

The United States and France have very similar labor productivity levels while there are considerable differences between the firm‐size distributions and firm dynamics in the two countries. To reconcile these observations we introduce a joint model of endogenous entrepreneurship and firm‐size dynamics with firing costs, unemployment benefits, entry costs, and a tax wedge between wages and labor costs. We use our model to analyze the role of these rigitidies in explaining firm dynamics and productivity patterns in the United States and France. We find that our model with all rigidities goes a long way in accounting for firm‐size differentials between the United States and France while generating similar labor productivity outcomes. (JEL C78, D21, E24, J6)     

The New Chinese Migrants in France

Like the United Kingdom and the Netherlands, France is one of the major centres of Chinese migration in Europe. Chinese sojourners arrived in France at the beginning of the twentieth century and the 1911 census showed the presence of 238 Chinese in the country. From 1900 to World War I, this little community remained heterogeneous in its socio‐economic and professional composition (Archaimbault, 1952). Changes in this community occurred during World War I when the lack of labourers led the French Government to recruit 140,000 Chinese workers (Wou, 1939). The 2,000 to 4,000 Chinese who remained in France after the war constituted the basis of a Chinese community in France. In the 1920s, they were joined by some 2,000 student labourers (Wang, 2001; Bailey, 1988). From the 1920s to the 1940s, Zhejiang immigration in France rose until World War II and the rise of the communist party in China stopped the movement. Yet, Chinese immigration did not cease. Migrants of Chinese origin arrived essentially from the old French Indochina (Viet Nam‐Laos‐Cambodia) (Le, 1995). Immigration from these countries increased in the 1970s when different conflicts occurred. From the late 1970s to the early 1980s, France also saw the arrival, albeit in smaller numbers, of Chinese from Hong Kong and Taiwan, family members of citizens of the People's Republic of China (PRC). The new wave of Chinese migration from PRC started in the mid‐1980s and grew steadily until now, with some peaks, e.g. in the mid‐1990s. Recent fieldwork in France approached this community, in particular, those living in France with a precarious administrative status (asylum seekers or clandestine migrants). In general, the situation of the population covered by this fieldwork was still precarious. Although the paper does not include other categories such as students, entrepreneurs, or researchers, it is nevertheless possible to gather some details on the basis of French official data and reports. The following sections deal with the growing Chinese presence in France, and their precarious status. Most recent research tends to show a diversified Chinese migrant population profile; it also shows that they are still primarily active in the French ethnic Chinese market. In the initial stages of migration, the Chinese migrants continue to maintain links with China and sometimes with Chinese communities in Europe.     

The Significance of the September 11, 2001 Terrorist Attacks for United States‐Bound Migration in the Western Hemisphere

The economic and political effects of the September 11 terrorist attacks weakened Latin American and Caribbean economies, reduced employment among Western Hemisphere immigrants living in the United States, and hindered new migrants' access to U.S. territory. Thus, the 9/11 events probably increased long‐term motivations for northward migration in the hemisphere, while discouraging and postponing international population movement in the short run. In addition, the terrorist assaults dealt a sharp setback to a promising dialogue on immigration policies between the United States and Mexico. Those discussions had appeared to herald constructive new policies towards migration into the U.S. from Mexico and possibly other nations in the hemisphere. A series of significant international migrant flows in South and Central America and in the Caribbean, not involving the United States, are unfortunately beyond the scope of this brief essay. I will first describe the consequences of the September 11 assaults for U.S.‐bound migration in the hemisphere, before turning to consider future social, economic and policy paths.     

INCOME INEQUALITY: THE IMPLICATIONS OF ECONOMIC STRUCTURE AND SOCIAL CONDITIONS

During the past few decades income inequality has been increasing in the United States and other developed nations, and is having major social consequences. In this study county-level data for the United States was analyzed to test the relative importance of three alternative approaches for explaining increased levels of inequality. These three approaches include economic structure, social conditions, and a model that maintains that both social conditions and inequality are a function of economic structure. The results revealed that social conditions were much more strongly related to inequality than economic structure and little support was found for the theoretical model. The two social conditions most strongly related to inequality included female employment and the percent of female-headed households. Counties with high levels of female employment tended to have low levels of inequality, while counties with high proportions of female-headed households tend to have high levels of inequality. The implications of these findings are discussed.     

Effect of Educational Expansion on Educational Inequality in Post-industrialized Societies: A Cross-cultural Comparison of Japan and the United States of America

Abstract: This paper analyzes the relationship between educational expansion and educational inequality. I first reconsider the conceptual basis of educational expansion, noting that in post‐industrialized societies, people's educational attainment is no longer measurable in a simple temporal increase because of the recent leveling‐off in the younger generation. I then review the theoretical framework of educational inequality. After presenting a summary of related studies, I provide a multilevel regression model that examines the macro/cohort influence of educational expansion on educational inequality in Japan and the United States. The following propositions are derived from my analyses: Educational expansion has functioned to dissolve both the socio‐economic and the cultural‐educational reproduction processes in Japan; meanwhile, inequality in terms of micro coefficients remains. In the United States, both the magnitude of gender inequality and the influence of the socio‐economic reproduction process are smaller than in Japan. The macro/cohort effects of educational expansion are generally smaller in the United States. This is true despite the fact that educational expansion significantly dissolves gender inequality in the United States, while educational expansion has little to do with gender equalization in Japan. My comparison of the model's fit concludes that the trajectory of educational equalization follows the two‐fold consequence of educational expansion. In sum, these results show that in conjunction with the non‐linear sequence of educational attainment in the post‐industrialized phase of development, the macro/cohort influence of educational expansion as well as the micro structure of educational inequality undergo gradual transformations.