乡村治理视野下少数民族习惯法碑刻文献整理与研究——以广西桂林龙胜各族自治县为分析样本

法律碑刻文献作为古代法律实践的珍贵原生史料资源,其承载着地方治理的重要信息.具有地域性、民族性、自发性与制度性的龙胜各族自治县少数民族习惯法碑刻文献,其数量、时空分布与内容凝固了当时地方治理的样貌.龙胜各族自治县少数民族习惯法碑刻文献整理与研究目前存在收集不全、识文断句有讹误,欠缺整体梳理、研究取向较为单一,抽象概括不足、理论高度有待提升等不足.我们应该通过以现代手段促进习惯法碑刻文献收集整理、以多元视角开展习惯法碑刻文献系统研究、以哲学高度凝练习惯法碑刻文献内涵意蕴等方式来进一步挖掘龙胜各族自治县少数民族习惯法碑刻文献蕴含的地方治理信息,从而为当地的新时代乡村治理提供传承与创新式的启迪.     

关于露天石质文物保护的思考

碑刻记录了社会与历史变迁,同时也是古代工艺展示的一种方法,是文化得以传承的重要载体.碑刻可以分为室内与室外,会受到自然环境的影响与人为因素的影响,因此采取合理的方法对碑刻进行保护是十分必要的.随着技术的发展,碑刻保护技术也在不断进步,并且取得的效果也越来越好,使碑刻能够以最好的状态展示给外界,并且在一定程度上能够避免人为因素对其造成的影响与破坏.本文就露天碑刻类文物保护与展示方法作简要阐述.     

关于露天石质文物保护的思考

碑刻记录了社会与历史变迁,同时也是古代工艺展示的一种方法,是文化得以传承的重要载体。碑刻可以分为室内与室外,会受到自然环境的影响与人为因素的影响,因此采取合理的方法对碑刻进行保护是十分必要的。随着技术的发展,碑刻保护技术也在不断进步,并且取得的效果也越来越好,使碑刻能够以最好的状态展示给外界,并且在一定程度上能够避免人为因素对其造成的影响与破坏。本文就露天碑刻类文物保护与展示方法作简要阐述。     

纪录——抢救与保护涉藏碑刻的战略手段

涉藏碑刻是我国文化遗产当中重要的组成部分.它对研究藏族历史、政治、经济、宗教、文化发展特别是我国古代藏汉民族关系有着很重要的史料价值.本文论述了通过纪录的科学方式对涉藏碑刻进行抢救性保护以及如何用镜头客观、真实地纪录涉藏碑刻的重要作用.     

回族历史碑刻的内容分类、地域特征及文字演变

回族历史碑刻跨时长久,题材广泛,分布面广,数量众多.本文依据元代至1949年回族历史碑刻的发掘成果,试图从碑刻的内容分类、地域特色及文字演变分析入手,探索回族伊斯兰文化融入中华文明的印迹.     

从碑刻看张掖明清时期的佛教

碑刻是先人留下的一种珍贵资料，它涵盖了社会的各个方面，详实地记载了社会历史的变迁。碑刻的内容大都真实可靠，正如宋代著名的金石大家赵明诚所论：“盖史牒出于后人之手，不能无失；而刻词当时所立，可信无疑”，“可以证讹谬，有功于后学。”因此，碑刻不仅可以校史书之谬，还可以补史书之不足。张掖碑刻资料丰富，其中，有关佛教的碑刻数量众多，     

清代广西的回族碑刻概述

碑刻历来是我国民族研究最重要的史料之一。因此 ,收集碑文是我国民族研究的一个基础性的工作。我国各地的回族一般都拥有大量的碑记、碑刻。这些碑记、碑刻在我国回族和伊斯兰历史的研究中具有无可替代的价值 ,是回族和伊斯兰史研究最重要的史料。本文根据大量的调查 ,对广西回族石刻碑文作了详尽的介绍     

北京地区的藏文碑刻文献

北京地区的藏文碑刻不仅有其特殊的文献载体研究价值,而且对研究历史上藏族与内地的文化交流问题具有重要意义,对于探讨藏族文化发展传播以及文献学研究也具有重要意义.文章对北京地区现存藏文碑刻作了整理编目并分别加以介绍,有助于我们了解北京地区的藏文碑刻文献以及藏族文化对北京地区的影响.     

见证中华民族共同体历史的地方实践：云贵地区元明清时期碑刻研究的新视角

中华民族共同体历史由各民族在具体区域的共同实践中不断丰富、完善、升华而成。对此,许多性质各异的碑刻遗存是一个有力见证。但传统的碑刻研究尚未突破文献学的问题视野与路径局限,难以全面、深入解读其中丰富的政治、社会与文化意涵。在综合多学科理论视野下,考察见证西南各民族融入中华民族共同体实践的相关碑刻,阐释中华民族共同体建构之地方实践的价值意义,既有利于碑刻研究范式的反思与推进,更是中华民族共同体建设研究之新视角。     

乌江流域民族地区历代碑刻文献的信仰民俗探析

乌江流域地域广阔,汉、土家、苗、彝等近50个民族共同创造了特色鲜明的地域文化,流传至今的历代碑刻文献反映了不同历史时期全面广阔的社会生活;地方史志文献和田野考察资料显示,乌江流域民族地区历代碑刻文献具有深厚的信仰民俗内涵,主要表现为原始宗教信仰、道教信仰、外来宗教等;深挖历代碑刻文献的信仰民俗内涵不仅深化了乌江流域的“非遗”保护,而且有助于了解各族人民的精神面貌和信仰追求,对民族地区构建和谐社会与建设社会主义新农村具有现实意义.     

日本对我国甘青地区特有民族的研究

本文主要综述了日本学术界对我国甘肃青海一带特有的东乡族、保安族、撒拉族、土族和裕固族的研究情况,全文分为作为突厥民族进行的历史研究、作为蒙古语系民族进行的语言研究、作为伊斯兰—穆斯林民族进行的文化研究、作为变迁中的民族进行的社会和文化研究等四个部分。     

回族学学科体系刍论

"回族学"概念的提出至今多年,但对该学科性质的界定和学科体系的建构却众说纷纭。本文从广义民族学角度,就回族学的性质、定义、研究范围、应当借鉴的理论、研究方法、回族学与其他相关人文社会科学和自然科学的相互关系,进行了系统阐述。其中,将回族学提出的国内、国际时代背景进行了联系,指出该学科的诞生,既是中国学术界近百年来对回族伊斯兰教研究积累的必然结果,也是后冷战时期以来国际学术界掀起的"文明对话",尤其是当前国际国内正在开展的"回儒对话"运动在中国的需要。     

明清时期麽些民族服饰分布及其特征研究

服饰是一个民族文化的表征。明代麽些民族服饰可分为丽江服饰区、永宁-盐源服饰区、北地-俄亚服饰区。麽些民族服饰在头饰、衣裳和装饰方面都有显著的特征，总体上呈现出“分异”的趋势。造成这种变迁的原因包括：明清时期中央不同的民族政策措施，麽些民族各支系所处的不同地理环境，周边民族和宗教的共同影响。     

掸傣民族源流问题述论

掸傣民族共源于百越民族群体中的骆越,其先民在南北朝时期被称为僚族,很早就分布在中国西南与中南半岛的结合部,并有逐渐向南扩展的趋势,当近现代国家产生以后,原来有族源关系的各部分,开始分属于不同国家,出现了虽有关系但又有区别的掸、佬、泰等族称,这反映了近现代国家观念意识之下新民族群体的诞生,同源异流民族的分化与发展最终完成。     

也谈西藏和平解放与“一国两制”

"两制并存"与"一国两制"涵义不尽相同。把"暂时维持现状不变"的现实断定为西藏实践过"一国两制"的政策,此种观点值得商榷。所谓"一国两制"政策在西藏招致失败或终止更是子虚乌有,和平解放后,西藏社会政治制度也并非"原封未动",同解放前相比,尤其是同"十七条协议"的有关条文相比,西藏的社会制度或社会性质已经部分地发生了质变。而达赖集团所谓的"一国两制",其实质和要害则是"两国两制"。     

中国古代和亲与各民族经济的相互依存

各民族经济相互依存是中华民族共同体形成和发展的重要因素,具有各民族经济互补、经济互动与共同繁荣等意涵。和亲是民族交往交流交融的重要形式,极大地促进了各民族经济的相互依存。各民族经济互补是和亲的内在动力,双方都希望通过和亲建立稳定的经济联系,满足经济需求。历代和亲活动加强了朝贡与互市贸易,推动了不同民族的物品流通和人员流动,形成了经济交流网络,畅通了丝绸之路,促进了各民族的经济互动。历代和亲有助于各民族经济社会稳定发展,有助于各区域共同发展,有助于中华民族物质财富的总体提升。各民族以和亲促发展的历程,为多民族中国地区间、民族间的相互协作提供了历史经验,为各民族形成紧密相连的利益共同体贡献了智慧,对铸牢中华民族共同体意识具有重要意义。     

中国共产党第三代领导集体关于培养和选拔少数民族干部的理论与政策--中国共产党第三代领导集体民族理论研究之九

中国共产党第三代领导集体关于民族干部的理论和政策的基本观点包括努力造就一支宏大的德才兼备的少数民族干部队伍,是做好民族工作和解决民族问题的关键;培养选择少数民族干部是一件关系全局、具有战略意义的事;少数民族干部队伍状况是衡量一个民族发展的重要标志;培养少数民族干部,既要有计划地扩大数量,更要提高素质、改善结构;要注意培养少数民族中高级干部和各种科技管理人才.     

Boxing,national identities and the symbolic importance of place: The ‘othering’ of Joe Calzaghe

In an analysis informed by social identities research, this article critically assesses the importance of place and nation in professional boxing. Based on media accounts surrounding the fight between Joe Calzaghe and Bernard Hopkins, it examines how the nation is positioned and how national identities are imagined. Calzaghe serves as a floating signifier of Wales, Britain and Europe in discourse positioning him as an outsider in the American boxing landscape. In examining the ‘othering’ of Calzaghe the article highlights how simplistic binaries are used to perpetuate notions of difference.     

香料与世界

Around 1500 , the world experi￣enced an explosion of exploration which greatly transformed the world for the next several hundreds of years. During this time, Christopher Columbus, Vasco da Gama, and other seafaring entrepreneurs sought new routes to India’s Malabar Coast and the Indonesian archipelago. The objective of their ef￣forts was mainly spice specifically pepper, cinna￣mon, nutmeg, clove, and a few others. In the en￣suing years, the Spanish, Portuguese, English, and Dutch would all seek to dominate the spice trade, employing an astonishing amount of blood￣shed and brutality to achieve their aims. They were undermined only by pirates, who would occasional￣ly plunder the spice boats, relieving them of their precious cargo.
The reason behind their desire to seek spice, was not only, and in fact, not even primarily, profits. In an age that poured its commercial ener￣gies into such un - poetical ends such as arms, oil, and mineral ores, the drive to obtain anything quite so quaintly insignificant as spice must strike us today as mystifying indeed. While historians of￣ten point to medieval Europe’s problems with ran￣cid meat, along with the mind -numbing repeti￣tiveness of its diet, as the source of spice’s early popularity, the main reason for desiring spice came down to one simple thing: mystery. Spices were, in a sense, magical if not divine, arriving by un￣known means from the vast blank spaces on the map, spaces populated by dragons, gods, and monsters. From mystery grew mystique. It was a seductive premise.
This article starts by examining the rise of Europe’s economy after the first millennium and the subsequent demand for Eastern luxuries. Ginger, mace, and other exotic ingredients quickly became status symbols among noblemen—not unlike furs or jewels—as well as staples in upper -class kitch￣ens, with nearly every dish deluged by seasonings, to the point where the medieval appetite for spice looked less like a taste than an addiction. It was also believed that ingesting spices was a way to im￣prove one’s health and that they could cure every￣thing from gangrene and paralysis to constipation and lung disease. Then there’s sex. Spice has long been associated with eroticism, including recent examples like the pop-music sex kittens the Spice Girls and the Spice soft-porn cable TV station. In the Middle Ages—when noblemen’s fear of infertil￣ity ran rampant—spices were widely believed to serve as aphrodisiacs. It was these very qualities, that led many medieval Christian leaders to de￣nounce spices—ginger in particular—arguing that their corrupting influence undermined monks’ vows of celibacy, with one mystic even comparing them to the forbidden apple of Eden. Others claimed their overuse could lead to drying out, derange￣ment, and even death. The most puritanical critics saw spice as nothing less than an affront to God, who had already met man’s basic needs by provi￣ding local foods, a gift cooks were now tampering with by introducing foreign flavors. Moreover, spice served as a medieval perfume, with the most spicy, most expensive varieties favored among the social elite. And spice was also used in mummifi￣cation and embalming techniques that continued in future centuries. For instance, the practice dates back to Ramses II, an Egyptian pharaoh who died in 1224 b. c.; an examination of his remains re￣vealed peppercorns stuffed up his large, and crooked nose, a discovery which startled scien￣tists.
Despite efforts by the Dutch to maintain their monopoly over spice plantations and prevent propa￣gation, products like cloves and nutmeg eventually spread to other regions of the world. This was largely due to Spanish and Portuguese smugglers—who reduced them to mere commodities and dimin￣ished their intrigue and notoriety, not to mention their cost. By the mid-1600s, pepper in particu￣lar had long since become available to the Europe￣an masses, prompting the nobility to lose interest. At the same time, crops like tomatoes and chilies, brought back from the New World, were broade￣ning the European diet and creating new options for cooks. A shift to simple, fresh, local ingredi￣ents—to foods that tasted like themselves—was un￣derway, a transformation nowhere as successful as in Italy, where simplicity remains the quintessence of its cuisine. As a result, the heavily spiced meals of the Middle Ages fell from favor. Once the province of aristocracy, spice became just the op￣posite. In the modern world, it tends to be the poor, not the rich, who eat spices.
While the history of spice from a Western point of view remarkably transformed the world, it should be noted that spice also underwent a quite different way of becoming modernized. In the re￣spect, spice in Chinese history constitutes a large part of the world history of spice.
Prior to the 15th century, pepper was regar￣ded as a rarity. In China it was as highly valued for medicinal purposes as ginseng and cassia bark are today. During the Tang dynasty, we find pep￣per mentioned side by side with stalactites, one of the most valuable drugs of the time. This is an in￣dication of how highly valued spice was. From that time onwards, the expression “800 piculs of pep￣per” came to be synonymous with riches and luxu￣ry. In China, the change in the value of pepper from being a precious commodity to one in common use came about as the result of several polices of Ming Emperor, including tribute trade, Zheng He’s voyages, and the scheme of supplying pepper instead of salaries to officials. The advent of direct dealings with the supply sources had a profound effect in China, and the circulation of other foreign commodities generally also increased greatly after these voyages.
From early Ming times, foreign trade, inclu￣ding that in pepper and sapanwood, was an Impe￣rial monopoly, closely guarded to ensure that all the profits went to the Emperor. One inevitable re￣sult of the importation into China of such huge a￣mounts of pepper, however, was that hitherto un￣developed exchange relations improved, though the equilibrium between demand and supply remained unsteady because of obstacles in the way of equita￣ble distribution. A sudden expansion of the selling market could only be expected to cause a dramatic fall in the price of pepper. This occurred much earlier than did the discovery of the direct passage to India by Vasco de Gama.
During the reign of the first Ming Emperor, Hong Wu, pepper and sapanwood were frequently given to subjects as a reward for services rendered, a practice first recorded in 1379 . During 1391 and 1392 , altogether 13 ,800 naval officers and soldiers on active service, and 12,000 soldiers engaged in ship-building were rewarded in this way, the lat￣ter receiving one catty of pepper each. In both ca￣ses these rewards, which were small in scale, were for completing tasks assigned. At the time of the enthronement of the second Emperor, Yong Le (1403), four catties of pepper, the highest pepper reward recorded, in addition to 30 ting of paper money, were given to a minor official for comple￣ting the Imperial seal. Considering the high value of paper money at that time, this showed that pep￣per was still treasured as a scarce commodity, and had not yet fallen into common use.
The effect of Zheng He’s voyages on the distri￣bution of pepper in the Chinese market is reflected by the form payments took in the early part of the Ming dynasty. In the 5th year of Yong Le (1407), following Zheng He’s return from his first voyage, came the first proclamation of an arrangement to supply the soldiers in all military stations in Peking with sapanwood in lieu of winter clothing. It is es￣timated that at least 250 , 000 army servicemen were involved. It was in 1420, after Zheng He’s fifth voyage, that pepper was first announced as a substitute for the clothing due to these same ser￣vicemen. However, the amount was by no means large:one catty and six ounces of sapanwood and four ounces of pepper were paid in lieu of a piece of thin silk material, and one catty of sapanwood and three ounces of pepper were paid instead of a piece of cotton cloth. The same scheme of suppl￣ying sapanwood instead of winter clothing was em￣ployed again the following year, 1421. At the same time it was proclaimed that part of the salary of all civil and military officials in Peking paid in the form of paper money was to be paid in sapan￣wood and pepper instead. Henceforth it was estab￣lished that the salary of officials should be paid partly in sapanwood and pepper, and it was clearly the pepper brought back by Zheng He’s fleet that was being used as substitute currency. Silver, pa￣per money, cloth, sapanwood, and pepper were interchangeable as currency.
Except for a very small amount retained for their own consumption, the officials would have had to sell most of their pepper on the market, which would inevitably accelerate the fall in its market price. By the mid-Ming period, spice that had been exclusively enjoyed by the upper classes, began to be popular among the commoners. The frequency of appearance of spice in dietary books, recipes, and daily life guides increased to an un￣precedented level. Pepper, especially, was broad￣ly used for cooking, pickling fruits, brewing, and making fragrant tea. The widespread application of perfume, as a typical merchandise from maritime trade, led to a profound transformation in people’s conception and style of everyday life.     

Invisible Asian Americans: the intersection of sexuality,race, and education among gay Asian Americans

Most research on Asian American education has centered on addressing and deconstructing the model minority stereotype. While recent studies have highlighted the socioeconomic and cultural heterogeneity among Asian American students, few have examined how sexual identity and masculinity mitigate their academic experiences. In this article, we draw on the educational narratives of 35 Asian American gay men to address this gap. Though research on lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) students has emphasized bullying, our findings show that the relationship between sexuality and schooling is more nuanced than studies suggest. Our article reveals that while anti-gay bullying is prevalent, Asian American gay students play up aspects of their racial identity and even strategically capitalize on the model minority stereotype to evade harassment. Ultimately, our study highlights the need for educators to remain mindful of how the intersection of sexuality and race affect the school climate and educational experiences among gay students of color.