遗产与旅游:传统与现代的并置与背离

文化遗产是人类创造并延续的传统,蕴含着人类存续与发展的重要意义.然而在如今时代、权力、商业等因素的操控中,遗产成为了一种被出售的传统,特别是20世纪以来大规模的群众旅游,为这一传统的出售提供了巨大的消费群.以遗产作为品牌的遗产旅游,一方面体现了这种传统与现代的并置;另一方面,旅游者对遗产传统文化的消费本身根植了现代性对这一文化的损害,如何消费传统的问题成为了关系人类自身可持续发展的重要问题.     

人类学与公共卫生:理论与实践

人类学对于健康与疾病问题的关注,始于西方人类学家对部落社会的疾病认识、医疗体系与巫术等方面的研究,正是由于人类学对于人类公共卫生的关注而使人类学成为了社会科学中的显学.在全球化的今天,参与人类公共卫生问题的研究不仅可以使人类学者走出象牙塔,学以致用,促成社会问题的解决,而且能够为人类学者提供一定的资金与广阔的田野空间,推动学科的规范化发展.     

信仰与扶持——明成祖与藏传佛教

汉藏历史文献证明,明成祖对藏传佛教领袖的异乎寻常的推崇,有其内在的信仰因素。通过迎请藏传佛教大师,明成祖接受了密法灌顶,对藏传佛教文化有了深入的了解。同时,明成祖对藏传佛教文化的扶持,促进了藏传佛教文化的发展,加强了内地与西藏之间的互动。文章认为,藏传佛教文化是明代联结内地与西藏的重要纽带。     

浅析扎什伦布寺与哲蚌寺的选址与布局

随着格鲁派的建立,15世纪上半叶又掀起了一次寺庙修建活动的小高潮.宗喀巴大师和他的弟子们,先后在拉萨、日喀则等地建立了一系列的寺庙,后世最著名的有四座——甘丹寺、哲蚌寺、色拉寺和扎什伦布寺,它们也被合称为"西藏四大寺".本文选择了哲蚌寺和扎什伦布寺来作比较,主要有以下几个原因:首先,两座寺庙修建于同一时期,都是在15世纪上半叶,创建者也都是宗喀巴大师的弟子,具有相似的宗教历史背景;其次,两座寺庙修建的地点分别位于前、后藏的中心——拉萨和日喀则,具有不同的地域背景;第三,两座寺庙具有相似的政治背景,作为西藏宗教政治双重领袖的达赖喇嘛和班禅大师都有自己固定的驻锡寺,分别是哲蚌寺和扎什伦布寺,这一点也是与甘丹寺、色拉寺不同的地方.     

壮族与客家的文化互动与融合

随着壮族与客家交往的增多,两者之间的文化互动越来越普遍,在语言、风俗习惯、宗教信仰等方面均相互包容,甚至相互吸收。在壮族与客家杂居地区,两者已经出现了文化上的融合,而且这种融合不是单方面的,而是"你中有我,我中有你",壮族的客家化与客家人的壮化同时并存。     

国学与回族学的继承与创新

今天非常高兴,荣幸地参加怀中先生荣登八秩的学术庆贺活动,并受命在大会上谈一点感想,不免感慨系之。我要谈的主题是《国学与回族学的继承与创新》,请大家参考。我有时想,我们总是在忧喜参半中度过的,忧的是以回族史而言,继白寿彝、马寿千师徒二人溘然离世后,又有多位学者相继走了,特别是2013年底马汝珩先生的遽然离世,让人不能不有岁月如流、老成凋谢之悲!喜的是在银川,我们仍然还能在亲情温暖的气氛中为杨怀中先生祝寿,为怀中所取得的学术成就欢欣鼓     

论自由主义与民族主义的竞争与共生

民族主义与自由主义都是包含张力的议题,它们可以意识形态面孔出现,又可以社会思潮、社会理论和社会行动的方式出现。在意识形态的整体主张上,两者的冲突属性突显,但在社会理论、社会思潮和社会行动层面,两者则既竞争又共生。本文从政治学与国际关系学两个视野,阐述了两者竞争共生的不同理论基础与现实依据,这说明,对待民族主义与自由主义这类议题,不能拘泥于意识形态范畴与单向度的"想象"与认知。     

老人与井

<正>拂晓时的妙高峰宁静、和谐,走过幽长的巷子,伴着轻风,轻抚灰砖墙上斑驳的岁月痕迹,有人说生活在这里的人有点像生活在遥远的年代。拾级而下,一口深不见底的百年老井静静的躺在那,一位83岁的老奶奶弯着腰,用渔网捞去水上的枯叶,清澈的井水倒映着老人满是皱纹的脸。     

模板与脚手架工程安全隐患原因与预防措施

目前,模板与脚手架工程在管理上十分混乱,造成严重安全事故隐患.本文分析了模板与脚手架安全事故发生的原因,并从材料运用、施工管理、设计计算、技术要求等方面提出预防措施.     

洁净与真淳

在现代文学馆的某次活动中,有个让我颇为印象深刻的细节。那次是个多民族的春节联欢,晚宴时照顾到有穆斯林朋友,所以用的是清真餐。与我同桌的小石是个人高马大的哈尔滨小伙,我奇怪地注意到他几乎只吃海鲜和蔬菜,对于大盘鸡和烤羊腿压根就没有动。我知道他是回族穆斯林,是吃羊肉的啊。面对我的疑惑,他回答说,不了解羊是不是用伊斯兰教方式宰的,也不知道炒菜用的油是什么油,谨慎起见还是不吃为好。     

埃菲尔铁塔与承德避暑山庄

公元2004年中国农历春节,法国巴黎的埃菲尔铁塔喜气洋洋地披挂上了“中国红”。这是铁塔自公元1889年始建以来,第一次破天荒地为大洋彼岸东方国家的庆典而作出的重大改变。入夜时分,塞纳河畔高悬起万盏红灯,汇成红色瀑布倾泻而下,与河水流波转韵的倒影交相辉映。一时间,红色的浪漫注满了巴黎夜空。而此时,中国的承德避暑山庄正静卧于皑皑白雪覆盖着的崇山峻岭之间,高悬着大红宫灯,敞开它朱红色的大门,迎接着金发碧眼的远方客人。经典的红色,穿越欧亚大陆的重重山岭,在那特殊时刻遥相呼应,溯着人类历史发展的长河,你会看到埃菲尔铁塔与避暑山…     

人格与家教--《傲慢与偏见》与《小妇人》之比较

<傲慢与偏见>与<小妇人>,两部作品虽然描写的都是儿女情长,但侧重点不同,前者在描写爱情故事的同时,揭露了资产阶级婚姻制度的本质,后者则偏重于对个性独立,自我约束的描写, 突出人格完善的重要性.从对两部小说的对比可发现家庭教育对人格形成起着重要的作用,而不同的人格结构会造就出不同的价值观和人生观.     

香料与世界

Around 1500 , the world experi￣enced an explosion of exploration which greatly transformed the world for the next several hundreds of years. During this time, Christopher Columbus, Vasco da Gama, and other seafaring entrepreneurs sought new routes to India’s Malabar Coast and the Indonesian archipelago. The objective of their ef￣forts was mainly spice specifically pepper, cinna￣mon, nutmeg, clove, and a few others. In the en￣suing years, the Spanish, Portuguese, English, and Dutch would all seek to dominate the spice trade, employing an astonishing amount of blood￣shed and brutality to achieve their aims. They were undermined only by pirates, who would occasional￣ly plunder the spice boats, relieving them of their precious cargo.
The reason behind their desire to seek spice, was not only, and in fact, not even primarily, profits. In an age that poured its commercial ener￣gies into such un - poetical ends such as arms, oil, and mineral ores, the drive to obtain anything quite so quaintly insignificant as spice must strike us today as mystifying indeed. While historians of￣ten point to medieval Europe’s problems with ran￣cid meat, along with the mind -numbing repeti￣tiveness of its diet, as the source of spice’s early popularity, the main reason for desiring spice came down to one simple thing: mystery. Spices were, in a sense, magical if not divine, arriving by un￣known means from the vast blank spaces on the map, spaces populated by dragons, gods, and monsters. From mystery grew mystique. It was a seductive premise.
This article starts by examining the rise of Europe’s economy after the first millennium and the subsequent demand for Eastern luxuries. Ginger, mace, and other exotic ingredients quickly became status symbols among noblemen—not unlike furs or jewels—as well as staples in upper -class kitch￣ens, with nearly every dish deluged by seasonings, to the point where the medieval appetite for spice looked less like a taste than an addiction. It was also believed that ingesting spices was a way to im￣prove one’s health and that they could cure every￣thing from gangrene and paralysis to constipation and lung disease. Then there’s sex. Spice has long been associated with eroticism, including recent examples like the pop-music sex kittens the Spice Girls and the Spice soft-porn cable TV station. In the Middle Ages—when noblemen’s fear of infertil￣ity ran rampant—spices were widely believed to serve as aphrodisiacs. It was these very qualities, that led many medieval Christian leaders to de￣nounce spices—ginger in particular—arguing that their corrupting influence undermined monks’ vows of celibacy, with one mystic even comparing them to the forbidden apple of Eden. Others claimed their overuse could lead to drying out, derange￣ment, and even death. The most puritanical critics saw spice as nothing less than an affront to God, who had already met man’s basic needs by provi￣ding local foods, a gift cooks were now tampering with by introducing foreign flavors. Moreover, spice served as a medieval perfume, with the most spicy, most expensive varieties favored among the social elite. And spice was also used in mummifi￣cation and embalming techniques that continued in future centuries. For instance, the practice dates back to Ramses II, an Egyptian pharaoh who died in 1224 b. c.; an examination of his remains re￣vealed peppercorns stuffed up his large, and crooked nose, a discovery which startled scien￣tists.
Despite efforts by the Dutch to maintain their monopoly over spice plantations and prevent propa￣gation, products like cloves and nutmeg eventually spread to other regions of the world. This was largely due to Spanish and Portuguese smugglers—who reduced them to mere commodities and dimin￣ished their intrigue and notoriety, not to mention their cost. By the mid-1600s, pepper in particu￣lar had long since become available to the Europe￣an masses, prompting the nobility to lose interest. At the same time, crops like tomatoes and chilies, brought back from the New World, were broade￣ning the European diet and creating new options for cooks. A shift to simple, fresh, local ingredi￣ents—to foods that tasted like themselves—was un￣derway, a transformation nowhere as successful as in Italy, where simplicity remains the quintessence of its cuisine. As a result, the heavily spiced meals of the Middle Ages fell from favor. Once the province of aristocracy, spice became just the op￣posite. In the modern world, it tends to be the poor, not the rich, who eat spices.
While the history of spice from a Western point of view remarkably transformed the world, it should be noted that spice also underwent a quite different way of becoming modernized. In the re￣spect, spice in Chinese history constitutes a large part of the world history of spice.
Prior to the 15th century, pepper was regar￣ded as a rarity. In China it was as highly valued for medicinal purposes as ginseng and cassia bark are today. During the Tang dynasty, we find pep￣per mentioned side by side with stalactites, one of the most valuable drugs of the time. This is an in￣dication of how highly valued spice was. From that time onwards, the expression “800 piculs of pep￣per” came to be synonymous with riches and luxu￣ry. In China, the change in the value of pepper from being a precious commodity to one in common use came about as the result of several polices of Ming Emperor, including tribute trade, Zheng He’s voyages, and the scheme of supplying pepper instead of salaries to officials. The advent of direct dealings with the supply sources had a profound effect in China, and the circulation of other foreign commodities generally also increased greatly after these voyages.
From early Ming times, foreign trade, inclu￣ding that in pepper and sapanwood, was an Impe￣rial monopoly, closely guarded to ensure that all the profits went to the Emperor. One inevitable re￣sult of the importation into China of such huge a￣mounts of pepper, however, was that hitherto un￣developed exchange relations improved, though the equilibrium between demand and supply remained unsteady because of obstacles in the way of equita￣ble distribution. A sudden expansion of the selling market could only be expected to cause a dramatic fall in the price of pepper. This occurred much earlier than did the discovery of the direct passage to India by Vasco de Gama.
During the reign of the first Ming Emperor, Hong Wu, pepper and sapanwood were frequently given to subjects as a reward for services rendered, a practice first recorded in 1379 . During 1391 and 1392 , altogether 13 ,800 naval officers and soldiers on active service, and 12,000 soldiers engaged in ship-building were rewarded in this way, the lat￣ter receiving one catty of pepper each. In both ca￣ses these rewards, which were small in scale, were for completing tasks assigned. At the time of the enthronement of the second Emperor, Yong Le (1403), four catties of pepper, the highest pepper reward recorded, in addition to 30 ting of paper money, were given to a minor official for comple￣ting the Imperial seal. Considering the high value of paper money at that time, this showed that pep￣per was still treasured as a scarce commodity, and had not yet fallen into common use.
The effect of Zheng He’s voyages on the distri￣bution of pepper in the Chinese market is reflected by the form payments took in the early part of the Ming dynasty. In the 5th year of Yong Le (1407), following Zheng He’s return from his first voyage, came the first proclamation of an arrangement to supply the soldiers in all military stations in Peking with sapanwood in lieu of winter clothing. It is es￣timated that at least 250 , 000 army servicemen were involved. It was in 1420, after Zheng He’s fifth voyage, that pepper was first announced as a substitute for the clothing due to these same ser￣vicemen. However, the amount was by no means large:one catty and six ounces of sapanwood and four ounces of pepper were paid in lieu of a piece of thin silk material, and one catty of sapanwood and three ounces of pepper were paid instead of a piece of cotton cloth. The same scheme of suppl￣ying sapanwood instead of winter clothing was em￣ployed again the following year, 1421. At the same time it was proclaimed that part of the salary of all civil and military officials in Peking paid in the form of paper money was to be paid in sapan￣wood and pepper instead. Henceforth it was estab￣lished that the salary of officials should be paid partly in sapanwood and pepper, and it was clearly the pepper brought back by Zheng He’s fleet that was being used as substitute currency. Silver, pa￣per money, cloth, sapanwood, and pepper were interchangeable as currency.
Except for a very small amount retained for their own consumption, the officials would have had to sell most of their pepper on the market, which would inevitably accelerate the fall in its market price. By the mid-Ming period, spice that had been exclusively enjoyed by the upper classes, began to be popular among the commoners. The frequency of appearance of spice in dietary books, recipes, and daily life guides increased to an un￣precedented level. Pepper, especially, was broad￣ly used for cooking, pickling fruits, brewing, and making fragrant tea. The widespread application of perfume, as a typical merchandise from maritime trade, led to a profound transformation in people’s conception and style of everyday life.     

塞缪尔·特纳与札什伦布寺

18世纪80年代,英国东印度公司总督沃伦·哈斯汀斯派塞缪尔·特纳出使西藏,意图与西藏自由通商贸易.特纳在出使札什伦布寺期间,一方面希望完成出使西藏的使命,另一方面,尽可能多地了解西藏.本文通过特纳在札什伦布寺的行为,对特纳来札什伦布寺的原因、目的和影响进行梳理.     

东干文与东干语

本文追溯了东干文的创制过程和东干语的研究历程，对东干语的词汇特点作了翔实的归类说明。     

感恩与责任

<正>因工作原因,笔者多次与山东烟台建设集团交往,他们以感恩与责任为内核的企业文化,很是让笔者触动。之后几天,听我的记者向我谈起中石化湖南分公司总经理江景星的工作情况,那是"铁肩担重担,责任总为先"。不久前,笔者与远大老总张跃晤面,张跃刚获得联合国     

城市与男人

城市有城市的风格正如男人有男人的品位,如果我们希望在城市与男人之间寻求一种气质和神韵上的吻合与默契,那么,荧屏内外,暗香浮动的光晕中,哪些男人的身影能够进入我们的视野?     

辉煌与梦想

在新中国电影史上,有一部电影具有特殊意义:它由东北电影制片厂拍摄于1949年、完成于1950年,日理万机的开国领袖们不仅十分关心而且亲身参与了这部电影的创作。毛泽东主席为这部电影改定了片名,并同朱德等中央领导一起审定了影片;周恩来总理具体组织了对这部电影剧本的反复修改完善直至上映;影片创作中的研究讨论和审片工作不少是在中南海里进行的。这部与新中     

酒与养生

人类最 初的饮酒行 为虽然还不 能够称之为 饮酒养生， 但却与养生 保健、防病治病有着密切的联系。学者一般认为，最初的酒是人类采集的野主水果在剩余的时候，得到适宜条件，自然发酵而成。由于许多野生水果是具有药用价值的，所以最初的酒可以称得上是天然的“药酒”，它自然对人体健康有一定的保护和促进作用。当然，这时人类虽然从饮酒得到了养生的好处，但他们可能并没有明确的养生目的。 酒之性能 酒有多种，其性味功效大同小异。一般而论，酒性温而味辛，温者能祛寒．疏导，辛者能发散、疏导，所以酒能疏通经脉．行气和血、　痹散结…     

藏医药与旅游

现代藏医药应用的主要地域,除西藏、青海外,还包括四川、云南和甘肃等省所属的藏区。青藏高原是藏药的主要产地,据调查,藏药资源有2436种,其中植物类2172种、动物类214种、矿物类50种。目前,国家已制定了统一的《藏药标准》,共收载藏药227种,其中植物类197种、动物类17种、矿物类13种。2007年在北京召开的全国民族医药论坛及博览会,确定了中国第一批申报世界非物质文化遗产保护的传统医药目录,其中少数民族医药只有藏医药被列入其中。