民族主义与领土

本文从讨论民族与民族主义的概念入手 ,强调民族的想象与族群的想象之差别在于前者以建立民族国家为目的 ;民族主义是一种政治运动 ,而政治现代化的中心特征就是主权与边界国家的发展 ,以期成为相互竞争之国家体系中的一员。无论是生物的基本需求还是民族国家的政治需求都使民族主义与领土问题交织在一起。领土是族群怀有特殊情感的土地 ,国家则在领土范围内行使其基本职能 ,主权是在“民族领土”内部运作的。所谓民族国家就是把“民族”与“国家”这两个概念 ,加上主权的因素结合而成。由于民族主义的目的就在于建立具有主权的民族国家 ,而没有领土 ,主权将丧失意义 ,因此 ,在各种民族冲突中总会涉及领土这一因素     

解读安东尼·D·史密斯相关著述中的几个关键性术语

本文重点介绍和解读安东尼·D·史密斯相关著述中的几个关键性术语,以便于国内读者和研究者更好地把握当代西方民族与民族主义理论中的一些基本概念。首先,史密斯认为“民族”和“族群”都是某种人们共同体,但后者通常没有政治目标,在很多情况下没有公共文化,甚至没有疆域空间。在史密斯以及目前西方学界的研究中,一般是从“民族”和“族群”两个层面来剖析人类共同体的演进及其与民族主义之间的关系。其次,针对民族与国家很少完全重合的实际情况,史密斯用“民族的国家”(nationalstate)取代“民族-国家”(nation-state)。第三,史密斯提出民族主义是一种“政治的宗教”,而民族主义的“神圣事物”就是“民族”(nation)本身,其“神圣性”表现为四个方面共同体、领土、历史和命运。即使在全球化的作用下,民族主义也不会轻易退出历史舞台。     

中老跨国民族及其族群关系

文章论述并分析了老挝民族识别与划分的理论和实践。通过对中老两国不同的民族识别和划分标准进行对比 ,认为中老跨国民族或族群若按中国的划分标准为 11个 ,若按老挝的标准为 16个。根据作者的识别和划分 ,文章进一步论述了中老跨国民族的历史和现实族群关系。最后 ,作者还就中老跨国民族及其族群关系的相关理论和实践问题进行了论述     

冷战后时代的族群冲突:国内原因与国际挑战

冷战后时代族群冲突复振现象引起学术界关注,理论解释众多。两极霸权结束以后留下的政治真空,为历史的民族主义解读重开窗口。跨境族群问题可能引发民族统一主义意识形态国家与反民族统一主义意识形态的国家之间的冲突,并对一国族群关系和国家统一带来严重影响。在一个动荡和脆弱的多元社会,每个群体都感到自己的安全受到威胁,并对未来产生集体恐惧,从而潜伏着暴力冲突。不安全和社会对立所引发的恐惧,为族群精英进行族群内部操控提供了基础。后冷战时期族群冲突的复振也对当下国际准则框架提出了挑战。     

中越边境地区苗族回归边民研究——基于广西靖西市弄关屯的田野考察

中越边境地区的一些边民族群在历史上不断跨国迁徙,其迁徙过程包括离散和回归两个方面,其中,位于这一地区的部分苗族边民就是在这一过程中定居下来的.从离散与回归的整个过程看,中国苗族边民的离散存在着多元化的社会政治背景以及地缘、血缘、族缘等条件,其回归的历程更显复杂,除了强大的政治推力外,还有祖居国政权或其他族群的拉力.同时,当其回归以后,其处境与世代定居边境地区的其他族群相比,又有自己的特殊性.     

壮族分类体系与认同变迁的再思考——兼评《创造壮族:中国的族群政治》

美国学者白荷婷的《创造壮族:中国的族群政治》是研究壮族的经典经验研究之作。这个研究揭示了中国共产党和中国政府认定在各少数民族中人口最多的壮族,并成立广西壮族自治区的过程。作者总结了壮族地区和国家政治互动的三个时期,指出中央政府对广西地区实施民族政策的目的,是要将壮族整合进一个更大的国家政治体系中,所以政府必须发展壮族文化,提高壮族教育水平和保护壮族语言。但改革开放时期,东西部地区的经济差距在逐步拉大,这也在一定程度上使得壮族的"族群———民族主义"在逐渐提升。本文通过比较中西方族群研究范式的差异性以及此项研究的不足之处,试图对我国的民族政策及制度设计中的局限性作一些再思考。     

民族主义与联邦主义

作为一种社会政治思想的民族主义论述的是民族与国家应当一体的理由,而作为一种社会政治运动的民族主义却难以实现民族与国家的一体。由此,民族主义理论与实践的矛盾,困扰了人类社会数百年,并引起各种民族冲突。本文作者从分析文化民族、政治民族与法律民族的关系入手,试图为民族主义建立一种框架,并认为基于政治民族和法律民族的国家民族主义终将取代基于文化民族之分的联邦主义。     

全球化与本土化视野下的离散政治

离散社群是移民社会的重要组成部分,离散民族主义是影响当今世界政治关系的重要思潮。以族类根性认同为纽带,离散群体以不同的方式介入到族际政治与国际政治的互动格局之中。离散政治超越了传统民族国家的疆界,从外部对移出国的内部政治施以影响,移出国的内部政治生态也通过离散认同扩散到离散群体置身的国度。     

民族认同、族裔民族主义与后冷战时代的世界冲突

全球化时代族裔民族主义兴起所引发的族群间暴力冲突是当今世界冲突的重要特征,民族/族群认同的回归与国家认同的"去中心化"所引发的民族认同与国家认同的矛盾和张力是观察这一现象的重要视角.族裔民族主义的复兴在西方国家和后发展的多民族国家有着不同的内涵和表现形式.重新解释、塑造和建构具有包容性的民族国家认同,实现经济社会发展的地域和民族间的平衡,最大限度地控制强化族群认同和族裔民族主义的外部因素是多民族国家维护国家的和谐、稳定和统一的基础和前提.     

"怨恨"与想象的共同体——现代性视域下的民族主义

本尼迪克特·安德森认为,民族与民族主义是一个想象的共同体.然而,是什么促使人们去想象并成为共同体的呢?格林菲尔德认为民族主义就是资本主义精神,舍勒认为怨恨是资本主义精神的实质,因此可以说怨恨是民族主义产生的心理根源.民族主义是一柄双刃剑,它既在早期民族国家的构建历程中发挥了重要作用,也一度走向极端.20世纪后期,民族怨恨与民族主义产生了新特点.要遏制民族主义的消极影响,就要构建多元共存的现代文化,加强民族国家治理,构建稳固的民族国家认同,宽恕历史积怨,促进各民族文化的共同繁荣.     

跨国熟人关系与越南边民入境消费习性研究——兼论跨国民族志方法的理念创新

边境地区是中国与沿线和周边国家“互联互通”的关键节点和重要枢纽,在长期的历史交往与演进中所形成的跨国民族性质乃是其基本人文特征。因此,着眼于双边民族的互动交往交流,推进边境区域、跨国民族等研究融入世界民族视野,以满足新时代要求,是民族学人类学面对的主要议题。基于现实考量、学术反思与田野分析,认为在中越边境地区,越南边民的生活、节俗等入境消费习性与跨国熟人关系有着密切的正相关性,其实质是“一带一路”倡议真正惠及沿线国家和地区民众的反映,是国家之间睦邻友好、跨国民族和谐互动的基本表现。在新时代,应不断从理念上创新民族志研究方法,以期在推动民族学人类学发展的同时,为人类发展贡献出真正的学科智慧。     

Practising transnational citizenship: dual nationality and simultaneous political involvement among emigrants

Acceptance of dual citizenship allows migrants to naturalise in the country of residence (CoR) without giving up their former citizenship. For migrant sending countries the question emerges whether emigrants who acquire another citizenship are less attached to and politically active in the country of origin than those who do not. This would be the assumption of traditional perspectives on migration and citizenship. However, according to the transnational perspective neither multiple nationalities, nor participation in and identification with the CoR, preclude ongoing ties and participation back home. We test these perspectives with survey data on Swiss citizens residing in France, Germany, Italy and the US. Our results suggest that Swiss dual citizens abroad are not significantly less attached to and active in Switzerland than their mono national counterparts. Our data further supports the transnational perspective by showing not only simultaneity, but a mutually reinforcing relationship when transnational citizenship is practised. Identification with, and political participation in, the CoR positively relates to equivalent feelings and activities in the country of origin. Since dual citizenship sets the legal foundation for simultaneous involvement in two countries, it correctly assumes a central place in the study of transnational citizenship.     

Racial contestation and the emergence of populist nationalism in the United States

Much of the discussion surrounding nationalism still revolves around the ethnic versus civic nation divide. For purposes of this paper it is more useful to view the United States from the tri-modal perspective offered by Anderson, in which the United States is a creole (or settler) nation. All of Anderson's types can be seen as variants of ethnic nationalism. Kaufmann argues that the US evolved from ethnic to civic nationalism by the 1960s. This argument overlooks the importance of phenotype-based racism in the evolution of creole, or white settler colonial nationalism. We want to argue that US nationalism evolved from ethnic, to white racial nationalism in the interwar years. Since the 1920s, the political establishment has opted for civic nationalism that is based upon ‘white assimilationism’. This civic nationalism has been challenged by multiculturalism since the 1960s. In the context of a democratic political culture, the content of American nationalism has become ‘populist’ in the sense that it has come under popular contestation from the assimilationist right and the multiculturalist left. This populist nationalism includes aspects of ethnic and civic nationalism. Racial formation theory will be used to show that national identity may remain under ‘relatively permanent political contestation’ with racial cleavage as a major fault line in that contest. The issues of immigration and the treatment of Muslims since 9/11 will be addressed in order to make the case.     

从汉族主义到中华民族主义——清末民初国民党及其前身组织的边疆民族观转型

学界对中国国民党边疆民族观的研究已经取得了丰富的成果,一些近代民族主义的研究也常常涉及这一问题,但是专门以国民党前身组织和其执掌全国政权之前的边疆民族观为考察对象,并梳理其边疆民族观演变过程的成果尚不多见。本文试图在前人研究的基础上,探讨这一问题。清末资产阶级革命组织及其政党边疆民族观的走向,深刻地影响了传统中国国家的转型,特别是其最终抛弃汉族主义,提出民族团结、平等思想,坚持大中华民族新主义,对唤醒各民族意识和各民族共同推动国家转型有着重要的历史作用。     

中国共产党民族理论百年演进的历史逻辑

中国共产党民族理论百年演进的奋斗历程表明,必须把马克思主义民族理论基本原理与中国民族问题的具体实际相结合,建立中国特色的民族理论体系。中国共产党的民族理论既不是先天长成的,亦不是后天做成的,而是多种因素合力下长成的。其中,作为“材料”的民族主义、作为“方法”的民族运动、作为“他者”的民族国家、作为“根基”的民族精神、作为“使命”的民族复兴五重面向,反映了党民族理论历史起步时期不同阶段的主题、内容及特征。当然,这些面向并非边界清晰可判,在不同的阶段有时侧重突出一面,有时多面交织呈现。虽然此时的民族理论不可避免地呈现出某些不成熟的面向,但已初具雏形,并为其后的渐进改进提供了理论前站、搭建了总体框架。这一探讨,对理解中国共产党民族理论百年演进的艰难性、曲折性、多元性和复杂性具有重要的价值。     

The transnational phase of Chinese organisational development in Australia

This article aims to contextualise the new phase of Chinese organisational development in Australia in the academic tradition of transnationalism, explore the concrete forms of transnational activities undertaken by overseas-oriented Chinese organisations in economic, socio-cultural and political domains and analyse their policy relevance for both China and Australia. It argues that while these transnational activities could be seen as deliberative attempts to cater to the policy imperatives of the People's Republic of China, they also have the potential of furthering the national interest of Australia, which looks to enhance its economic and political standing in Asia. Underlying the triadic interactions of the Chinese transmigrants is the situational representation of ‘Chineseness’ and ‘Westernness’, which allows them to achieve a strategic balance in addressing the policy objectives of Australia and China and accumulate the greatest amount of ethnic capital in the process. Though primarily driven by self-interest and surely not free from controversies and tensions, these new forms of Chinese organisational activism are gradually taken into account by policy-makers of both countries to develop policy responses in multiple areas.     

论民族类型的历史演变

本文通过对民族各种历史形态在东西方不同的演进过程进行梳理,分析了民族发展的一般过程.同时在论文中提出文化民族概念,分析政治民族形成,对认识当今世界纷繁复杂的民族群体具有一定的参考作用.     

Neglected middle men? Gatekeepers in homeland politics. Case: Flemish nationalists' receptivity to the plight of Turkey's Kurds

Studies of transnational political activism or diaspora politics have tended to disregard the importance of political gatekeepers in the pursuit of immigrants' and refugees' political change back home Furthermore, when attention has been given to the crucial role of gatekeepers for politically engaged migrants to negotiate their ways into host-country politics, it has often been confined just to resumés of those involved and the activities undertaken. Rarely has research engaged with questioning political gatekeepers themselves about their personal beliefs underlying their commitments to the cause. Nor has research often looked into how certain alignments and cooperative relationships between transnational political actors and their gatekeepers in receiving countries came into being, and how such genealogies might lend insight into the transnational advocacy networks and the particular types of activities that transnational political actors have developed. This paper aims to help fill this lacuna, by providing original and unique insights into the genealogy of Flemish nationalists' support for Turkey's Kurdish nationalist movement, and thus also to testify to how investigations into political gatekeepers can improve our understanding of the ways in which transnationalism materializes.     

Muslim Women in Australia,Britain and the United States: The Role of “Othering” and Biculturalism in Identity Formation

When Muslims migrate to Western countries, they bring their identity and culture with them. As they settle in their host countries, some Muslims encounter structural inequality, which is often revealed through media representation, unequal labour market status and racial profiling. Through the dynamics of structural inequality, some Muslim women remain doubly disadvantaged. Within their ethnic/religious community, Muslim women are expected to follow their cultural traditions and in the wider society their overtly Muslim appearance is often questioned. The discussion of identity formation in this paper is based on interviews with Muslim girls and women in Australia, Britain and the United States, aged between 15 and 30 years. Though the cultural and political contexts of these three countries are different, the practice of “othering” women have been similar. Through their life stories and narratives, I examine the formation of the participants’ identities. It was found that for many of these women their sense of identity shifted from single to multiple identities, thus revealing that identity formation was a flexible process that was affected by a variety of factors, including the relevance and importance of biculturalism in the women’s identity formation.