《拉萨厅志》伪书考实

李梦皋自称《拉萨厅志》成书于道光二十五年。事实上,该书主要抄撮自光绪三十四年刊行之日本人山县初男所编撰《西藏通览》,时间当在1908年以后。《拉萨厅志》全文共11目,其中9目都与《西藏通览》有密切联系;其抄录以内容截取为主,难以自成体系;又因编纂粗疏,文字讹夺衍倒现象较为严重,文献价值不大。     

西夏《天盛律令》的历史文献价值

《天盛律令》是西夏仁宗天盛年间 (1149 年~1169 年) 颁行的一部法典, 全称《天盛改旧新定律令》, 共20卷, 150门, 1461条。这部法典包括刑法、诉讼法、民法、经济法、军事法, 多方位地反映了西夏社会生活, 为研究西夏社会历史弥足珍贵的资料, 因此一经公布, 立即引起学界的广泛关注。迄今已有数篇文章对该律令的文献价值进行介绍与研究, 最重要的是史金波先生的《西夏天盛律令及其法律文献价值》。②本文在此基础上, 主要讨论《天盛律令》的历史文献价值。     

西夏户籍初探--4件西夏文草书户籍文书译释研究

本文对新发现的 4件西夏文草书户籍文书进行译释 ,首次展示出西夏户籍的面貌 ,并藉此探讨西夏黑水城地区的家庭类型、人口姓名、男女比例、民族居处、婚姻状况 ,证实西夏番、汉民族互相通婚 ,并有一夫多妻和姑舅表婚现象。还分析了不同家庭土地、畜物占有状况 ,结合西夏法典《天盛律令》探讨西夏乡里组织 ,同时揭示出西夏户籍和军抄的密切关系。对照西夏法典研究 ,证明西夏有及时申报、三年修订一次的完善的户籍编制制度     

明马轼、马愈族属考

马轼、马愈父子是明朝前期两位不太引人注意的人物。马轼曾以星占服务于军中,又是著名的院体画家;马愈是书画家,以诗文书画与江南士有广泛交游。马氏父子的民族无明确记载,根据他们所表现出的某些特点,特别从马轼的星占活动和马愈的《马氏日抄》对西域事物的特殊兴趣上,我们怀疑他们是回回阴阳人的后裔,是已经深度汉化的回回文化人。     

《金刚般若经颂科次纂要义解略记》序及西夏汉藏佛教的一面

黑水城出土西夏文献中保存有西夏文《金刚般若经颂科次纂要义解略记》的两个版本。其正文似为属于圭峰宗密体系中的《金刚经》的注释。本文主要讨论了该文献的序篇。序篇记载证明西夏佛教曾经存在"汉藏佛教圆融"趋势。据其内容所示,西夏佛学界的佛教史概念中不存在"汉藏"对立或分歧。由此,西夏佛学界把印度因明大师陈那,汉文译师鸠摩罗什,藏传佛教中的"黑小足"(帕当巴桑杰)视为同一人。文中有对序篇翻译及其内容的初步讨论。     

《圣经》与西方文学——从《圣经》视野解读西方文学研究之一

《圣经》与西方文学存在着根深蒂固的关系,但由于意识形态和文化心理的种种原因,我国在从《圣经》视野解读西方文学方面仍是一个薄弱环节.忽略《圣经》视野,致使在西方文学理解上出现了诸多误读.从《圣经》视野解读西方文学可从《圣经》知识、《圣经》象征、《圣经》观念三方面着手.     

论《大乘要道密集》的成书

学界近年来对《大乘要道密集》的关注和研究都在不断加深,但对其成书和流传仍所知甚少。作者通过对《大乘要道密集》的著译者、文本内容及传承的细致分析,将其与黑水城出土的西夏文佛教文献、中国国家图书馆和台北故宫博物院的藏品相比对,发现《大乘要道密集》集中了西夏、元、明三个不同时代翻译的藏传密教文献,其主要内容是一部萨迦派道果修法的仪轨集成,也包括一些其他的仪轨,并提出在《大乘要道密集》中多次出现的莎南屹啰或应为一位明代译师。     

西夏文《<金刚经广释>复注》研究与汉藏佛教文化交流

西夏地区所流行的藏传佛教显教注疏以往较少为学者所重视,却是活跃于西夏地区的藏传佛教僧人学习、修行所必需的文本。此类文本主要以藏文原本和西夏文译本两种形式流传,文章所涉文献即是藏族高僧在西夏所造,又译为西夏文的《金刚经》注释书。该文献在遵循藏传佛教阐释习惯的同时,亦含摄了西夏王朝建立以前即流行于敦煌地区的汉传佛教学说,体现出当地僧人博收广纳的学习方式以及该地区多元交融的文化氛围。     

西夏《大威德炽盛光陀罗尼经》考释

现存西夏文献中的《佛说金轮佛顶大威德炽盛光如来陀罗尼经》和《佛说大威德炽盛光诸星宿调伏消灾吉祥陀罗尼经》,都是关于星曜崇拜的佛经,与汉文的唐失译本和不空译本一样,经题中都包含"大威德炽盛光",这几部经内容相似。本文首次解读西夏文《佛说大威德炽盛光诸星宿调伏消灾吉祥陀罗尼经》残片,并将两部西夏佛经与汉文本进行比较,对其来源进行猜测。     

西夏钱币研究随笔二则

一、从所谓西夏文“奇钱”谈起 去年，有朋友问我，是否看过《收藏》杂志发表的一篇题为《一枚奇特的西夏文钱币》的文章，我说没有看过，不知道。经几周折找到此文，才知该文是发表在2003年第10期，已过5、6年了。深感自己不能与时俱进，有些落伍。在这个信息爆炸的时代，该读的书籍和和资料，     

《宋西事案》考略

祁承编修的《宋西事案》是惟一一部明朝人编修的传世汉文西夏史籍,该书的编修有很强的现实针对性,由于书序中有“违碍”之语,在清朝被禁毁。该书目前至少有两种版本传世,由于各本中存在着诸多文字上的错误,在利用时要加以校勘。     

《黄石公三略》西夏译本正文的文献特征

本文对迄今尚无学者做过专门研究的俄藏黑水城文献中的《黄石公三略》西夏译本正文的文献性质进行了考察,结果发现它所据的汉文底本既不是当时官定的《武经七书》本,也不是一个纯粹的宋以前的古本,而是与《武经七书》本和古本均有联系的本子,但与古本的契合程度更高。这种内容上的双重性反映了该版本在《三略》的流变史上处于从古本向以《武经七书》本为代表的今本过渡的位置。     

一个多民族文学融合互动的范本——《述善集》文学文献价值考述

“Tangwu” is an alternative name for the descendants of the Xixia dynasty. In 1227 AD, a number of these Xixia descendants moved inland after the destruction of the Xixia Dynasty by the Mongolians. One group of them migrated to the area near Puyang, Henan Province. Tangwu Chongxi ( Yang Chongxi ) of the Yuan Dynasty compiled the Shu San Ji, which is divided into three volumes: Shansu, Yucai and Xingshi, and appended with the biography of Boyan Zongdao. It reflects the historical origins, social class, living conditions and the relations with the Han people of the descendants of the Dangxiangqiang minority af-ter they moved to Puyang. This book attracted a lot of attention in academic circles, and it was there-fore reorganized and published in 1985 after being treasured by the people for more than 600 years. It has high academic value for its comprehensive his-torical records. We can not only acquaint ourselves with the history of the make-up of the Chinese na-tion, but also research this diversity from multiple perspectives, such as history, nationality and folk-lore . That is why it has drawn so much attention a-mong academic researchers. The book contains po-ems, prose and biographies, which belong to dif-ferent celebrated scholars from different ethnic mi-norities, all of whom had relationships with Tang-wu Chongxi. It is also a typical model of Qiang-Han literature, which is very rare. This paper gives a preliminary exploration on the book, and shows a small part of its comprehensive value. Shu San Ji is not a merely personal collec-tion, but is also different from general literature collections. The compilation of the book took a long time. Shu San Ji Xuxie ( Continuation of Shu San Ji) , written by Zhang Yining, was finished in the 18 th year of the Zhizheng Period in the Yuan Dynasty (1358), which indicates that the Shu San Ji had already been finished by that time . Zeng wuwei chushi yangxiangxian xu ( Presented to Chu Shi Yang Xingxian·Preface ) , written by Wei Su and finished in the 24 th year of Zhizheng ( 1364 ) , suggests that the Shu San Ji had been compiled in-to a book by that time, and that it was compiled with the compositions of social celebrities of the time. However, the Shu San Ji, as it has been handed down to us today, includes the Song Yang-gong Xiangxian gui Tanyuan xu ( Preface of Send-ing Yanggong Xiangxian Back to Tanyuan) by Tao Kai, written in March in the 5 th year of Hongwu in the Ming Dynasty ( 1372 ) . It indicates that Yang Xiangxian kept on collecting articles even after the book was finished. The Xu yangshi yiji ( Preface of Yang’s Last Collection) by Wang Chongqing, writ-ten in the 6th year of Jiajing (1527), indicates that the Shu San Ji was still being written after Yang Chongxi’s death. At the end of the Shu San Ji , Boyang Zongdao zhuan ( Biography of Boyang Zongdao) and Weiti shi (Poems) were collected in the 16 th year of Zhengde in the Ming Dynasty (1529) and in the 16th year of Shunzhi in the Qing Dynasty (1629), respectively. It suggests that the
Shu San Ji had been supplemented and continually recompiled since Yang Chongxi firstly finished his book in 1358. After 271 years, in 1629, the Shu San Ji, as we read it today, was finally comple-ted. Through the basic components of the Shu San Ji,readers can understand that the Tangwu family was a harmonious, multi-ethnic family. A number of multi-ethnic writers spent long periods compos-ing works collected in the Shu San Ji and Tangwu Chongxi was also influenced by China’s diverse culture and traditional Confucian culture. The work is strongly connected with his study in Guozixue. In the late Yuan Dynasty, the restora-tion of the imperial examinations promoted Confucianism’s influence further. Pan Di, as Tang-wu Chongxi’s teacher in Guozixue, wrote most arti-cles in the Shu San Ji, which shows their close re-lationship and his influences on Tangwu Chongxi’s literature and Confucian studies. Tangwu Chongxi and others’ works reflected their sense of admira-tion for and deep feelings for their Dangxiang an-cestors, but more so helped to propagate the con-cepts of Confucian edification, diligence, thrifti-ness and benevolence, and some of them did so in a very polemic way. For example, Boyan Zongdao wrote the Jiefu xu ( preface of “Jiefu”) and Tang-wu Chongxi wrote the Jiefu houxu ( epilogue of“Jiefu”) , which reflect the social reality and ide-ology of all scholars with different ethnic back-grounds at that time. His work, “Tangwu gong-bei” fushi ( Poem inscribed on Tangwu Tablet ) , was written in a plain and authentic way and showed that he always remembered his origins and his ethnic desire to inherit the family’s heritage. Meanwhile , it was also mixed with the popular ide-as of upholding the honor of their ancestors from the central plains and Han areas, which shows the
editorial purpose of the Shu San Ji and also dem-onstrates the value of Chinese multi-ethnic litera-ture and cultural integration.     

论西夏法典中的文书制度

文书是国家组织、社会团体、个人在社会活动中为处理各种事务而形成的、具有特定效用和格式的文字材料.中国历代统治阶级都非常重视文书工作,西夏也不例外.因此,我们利用西夏法典<天盛改旧新定律令>,对西夏文书发文制度、收文制度、传递制度、管理制度等四个方面的内容进行了比较系统的探讨.     

敦煌P.988号藏文写卷考补

通常被称为“儒家格言”的敦煌P.tib.987和988两个写卷是河西某汉文童蒙读物的藏译本,具体的资料来源此前尚不清楚。本文在石泰安法译文的基础上通过对校寻出了其中的一批典故出处,并认为这部书体现了唐宋之际西北俗文学的一种典型风格。     

略论西夏公文体式

公文体式是一篇公文外在形式特征所能体现出来的全部内容,包括公文种类、公文用语及称谓、公文的格式和公文载体等。公文体式自秦朝开始确立,历代相沿,并不断发展和完善。西夏公文体式并没有文献记载,我们只能从传世的西夏汉文史籍中保留下来的公文以及西夏故地出土的最为原始的汉夏文公文实物来分析,通过分析得知,西夏公文的体式与宋或辽朝的中央公文体式相一致。为此,本文比较全面而深入地探讨了西夏公文的称谓、语体、格式等规定要求。     

《元朝秘史》版本流传考

《元朝秘史》是一部重要的蒙古学文献,相关研究已经成为一个国际性的学术领域,长期以来研究成果不计其数,涉及历史、语言、文学、宗教、社会学等诸多领域。其中,文献学方面的研究开始得最早,取得的成绩较大,受关注的程度也较高。然而《元朝秘史》文献学方面的研究仍然存在继续扩展和深入的空间。例如在《元朝秘史》版本流传的考订方面,随着客观环境的逐步改善,某些方面已经有条件在前人的基础上有所前进和完善,有必要对以往的研究做些修正和补充。     

《八十二种苗图并说》的成书年代考证——以余上泗《蛮峒竹枝词》为研究文本

《八十二种苗图并说》成书年代至今争议较大,但多数主张成于嘉庆时期。该书作者和研究者都认为,白仲家、车寨苗、鸦雀苗、黑脚苗、郎慈苗和六洞夷人等族称,为《百苗图》首次启用的称谓。事实上,这些族称在乾隆时期余上泗《蛮峒竹枝词》中已出现,且其所述内容与《八十二种苗图并说》十分相近。这足以说明《八十二种苗图并说》中所发现的新族称是在乾隆时期启用的。《八十二种苗图并说》当成书于乾隆中期。     

也谈"消经"《开以达尼》

本文就近些年来国内一些研究伊斯兰教和“消经”的学者对广泛流传于西北穆斯林社区的伊斯兰教法经“消经”《开以达尼》的研究中出现的一些问题,本着历史研究必须实事求是,言之有据,持之有理的原则,根据“消经”《开以达尼》塔什干原版本和调查资料,对它的作者、著述时间、印书地点、内容、翻译和版本等相关性的问题,以及它与回族穆斯林创造的拼音文字———“消经”的关系和意义进行考证和阐释,以期澄清此经典所涉及的一些问题。     

宣统《盐井乡土志》的“图”及其绘制特点与价值

宣统《盐井乡土志》本有＂盐井全图＂一幅,目前相关辞典及提要未提及此图。近十多年出版的《盐井乡土志》中无图,与20世纪70年代末出现的油印本有关。＂盐井全图＂绘制者为《盐井乡土志》著者段鹏瑞,绘制时间、付印时间当在宣统三年（1911年）夏四月赵藩作序前后。无论对于《盐井乡土志》,还是对于盐井地区在清代西藏方志史上,此图都有重要的价值。