宋代汉藏民间层面宗教文化交流

文章认为,汉藏两族宗教文化交流主要反映在三种层面上：民间层面的渗透影响、学者僧侣层面的交流传播和中央王朝与地方政府官方层面的往来贡赐。文章仅就宋代汉藏两族民间层面宗教文化交流略作考察,至于其他历史时期与其他层面宗教文化交流则另撰文论述。关于宋代汉藏宗教文化交流,学界关注者寥寥无几,至于民间层面宗教文化交流,则更鲜有问津之人。认为宋代汉藏两族宗教文化交流通过民间方式,将汉地的宗法性传统宗教文化、道教文化、佛教文化传递到了周边藏区民间,也将藏传佛教文化、苯教文化和其他藏族宗教习俗传播到了周边汉地民间。汉藏民间层面宗教文化交流有益地推动了学者、僧侣层面和官方层面宗教文化交流的深度和广度,从某种程度上保持和深化了学者、僧侣层面和官方层面宗教文化交流的成果。     

藏彝走廊的汉族移民与汉藏互动——以九龙为个案的考察研究

族群迁徙是影响藏彝走廊历史与文化特征的重要因素。因各种原因，自清代中叶以来大量汉族迁入九龙地区。汉藏通过通婚与经济利益互补等方式构成了相互依存的族群关系。汉族移民入赘藏家，为二者的文化交流提供了一个平台，汉藏文化的交流反过来又密切了相互关系，促进了汉藏民族的交融。汉藏之间的交流与融合是双向进行的，并且他们也相对地固守与改变着自身的文化。     

论唐蕃之间官方的经济文化交流

通过长期的交往,唐蕃之间在经济文化上的交流不断增强,大大增进了汉藏两族人民的友谊。唐蕃经济文化交流主要有两个渠道,即官方与民间,本文旨在重点讨论唐蕃之间官方的经济文化交流情况。     

民国时期汉藏佛教界文化交流的历史进程

民国时期,汉藏佛教界承载着关注国家命运的历史使命,自觉认识到现代佛教文化发展过程中文化与政治之间依赖相存的关系.基于共同文化渊源的交流活动推进了汉藏佛教彼此间的了解和借鉴,佛教在逐步拓展的过程中体现出文化对于政治的跨越与纠补.     

汉藏文化交往交流交融研究述评

汉藏文化交往交流交融是促进中华民族文化繁荣发展的重要内容，是汉藏民族文化在历史遇合中的双向交往过程，是一种“你中有我，我中有你”的一体性认同，是两族人民关系演进的历史主流。国内学界对汉藏文化交往交流交融的研究始于新中国成立初期，兴于20世纪80年代之后。相关成果主要立足于文化、经济和生活三个维度，其中文化维度作为研究的主流始终带有宗教的底色，而经济维度和生活维度中所附着的文化因素也同样为汉藏文化的交往交流交融提供了通途。目前学界对汉藏文化交往交流交融的探究形成了较为固定的研究热点和特点，取得了较为丰硕的成果，同时也存在一些不足。     

班禅大师与民国时期汉藏文化交流

民国时期,汉藏佛教界的文化交流是中央政府与西藏地方关系发展的重要渠道.其中,班禅大师躬亲力行,前往内地研讨显密持法修行,弘法宣化,举行法会,筹建蒙藏学院,组织翻译佛教经典,介绍藏传佛教的教理和修习方法,从宗教与国家、宗教与政治的层面来弥合汉藏宗教文化认识上的隔阂.班禅大师在促进双方关系向纵深发展上超越文化层面的承载,赋予文化交流以纠补汉藏关系的社会功用,在认识宗教文化的历史定位和角色问题上给我们新的思考与启示.     

抗战期间四川藏学研究概述

本世纪30—40年代,四川宗教界、学术界兴起了一股了解西藏、研究藏文化的热潮。因其“沟通汉藏文化、联络汉藏感情、增加汉藏团结、不为外人所用”的鲜明目标,紧扣时代主题,从而受到社会各界的广泛关注和支持,取得令人瞩目的成绩,为我国传统的藏学研究拓展了思路,推动了我国藏学研究这个古老学科和现代人文科学的接轨,意义深远。 众所周知,四川毗邻西藏,处于汉藏文化交汇带,境内藏族人口在百万以上,是仅次于西藏的全国第二大藏族聚居区。这独特的文化背景、地理位置和汉藏关系的丰     

清代民国时期汉藏连接地带的汉藏通婚及其影响

文章立足于清代民国时期的文献资料,探讨了汉藏连接地带汉藏通婚的历史过程,汉藏通婚得以实现的社会、文化和经济基础,并对通婚对汉藏社会、文化、经济交流的重要影响进行了探析。指出以男丁为主的汉族移民和男少女多的藏族社会存在结构性互补,是“汉男娶番女”这一通婚模式的人口学基础;勤劳、体健、能对汉族男丁在藏地的事业发展产生助益是藏族妇女成为汉族男丁理想婚姻对象的主要原因,与之相对,身份、财富、劳力、特殊技能等家庭物质生活保障能力是汉族男丁能够入赘或娶得藏族女子的主要原因。汉藏通婚家庭的成员以“翻译”的身份,不仅有效的促进了汉藏民族间的经济交流,而且对汉藏民族间感情的沟通,文化的交融方面做出了突出的贡献。     

从元代瓷器看汉藏文化交流

元朝统一中国,汉藏两族文化交融的步伐空前加强。在此背景下,内地文物源源不断地输入藏地,对藏族人民的物质、精神和政治生活等方面产生了深远影响;与此同时,内地宫廷和民间使用的器物也受到藏族文化的浸染,汉藏文化的交流与融合在这些文物材料上得到鲜明的体现。本文通过对藏地存世和内地受藏族文化影响的元代瓷器进行梳理,结合图像器汉、藏文史料,从汉藏文化交流和元代西藏特殊政教环境的视角,对元代瓷器所映射的特殊功能进行剖析。     

跨族际文学比较研究的理论创新——兼谈《汉藏民间叙事传统比较研究:基于民间故事类型的视角》的贡献

《汉藏民间叙事传统比较研究:基于民间故事类型的视角》以民众生活为根基,以民族关系为旨归,依托汉藏民间故事类型的提炼和分析,探讨和解析汉族、藏族民间叙事传统的共同性、相似性及差异性,进而洞见和阐释民间叙事共同体的共享性与意义。论著中提出的一系列关于汉藏民间故事、汉藏民间叙事传统交流的新观点,不仅对于汉藏文化关系研究,而且对于中国民间叙事学理论建设都具有重要价值。     

清代至民国时期汉族移民在巴塘活动之面面观

随明清两代经营川藏线和清末川边改流的开展，大量汉族人进入四川藏区，位于川滇藏三省区中界的巴塘一时成为汉藏文化交流的活跃区域。文章从开荒垦殖、开设商户、兴办学校、汉藏通婚、帮会组织等角度对清代至民国时期汉族移民在巴塘的活动作了论述，呈现汉藏两个民族文化的交流和融合。     

敦煌本藏文算书九九表再探

敦煌文献中已鉴别出4种藏文九九表,其中,P.t.1256是由藏文字母拼写的汉文“小九九”表,ITJ764、P.t.1070和B59:10是藏文九九表,包括了不同编排形式的“小九九”表和“大九九”表。ITJ764尾题人名“■”,为藏文九九表溯源和断代提供了重要依据。对这4篇写本做转录,对残缺的内容做推拟还原,并给出译文和评析,初步结论是:敦煌藏文九九表有大、小两类4种,与汉文“小九九”表作用一致,编排方式有别,藏文九九表抄写者和使用者并不限于藏族。这些藏文算学文献实物,为研究藏族科技史和汉藏文化交流史提供了第一手资料。     

康定锅庄文化遗产价值新阐释

The understanding of the traditional research of Kangding Guozhuo mainly covers four aspects:1 ) It is widely believed in the academic world that the Guozhuang ( meaning singing and dancing in a circle ) of Kangding was a unique product which combined politics, economics and culture together. 2) It was a specific business form based on the family unit, fulfilling multiple func￣tions such as an inn, a shed, a commodity inter￣mediary, an administrative office, a commodity transformation point, and a banking establishment. And it was also a place for cultural exchange be￣tween the Tibetans and the Han . 3 ) The formation of Guozhuang culture establishes a new element in the culture of the Tibetan-Yi corridor. 4 ) Zheng Shaoxiong mentions that the Guozhuangzhu ( the Guozhuang host ) had played an intermediary role in assisting the Tibetan businessmen to sell or pur￣chase goods - this helped to maintain the trade relations between the Han and Tibetans ( or their communication) . This kind of ingenious institu￣tional arrangement was a historical practice in keeping the balance of the relationship between different cultural communities, such as the Qing court, Tusi ( native officials ) and the Guozhuang host of Kangding. It reflects the wisdom in ethnic interactions, and can be borrowed in present ethnic regional autonomous system.
The above mentioned understanding is a result of study from the perspective of history, ethnology or economics. Although Zheng Shaoxiong’s re￣search was born from the old mindset, and pro￣posed the new value of Guozhuang cultural mecha￣nism, there is still a lack of research on this cul￣ture from such comprehensive perspectives as ur￣ban history, cultural anthropology, and economic anthropology. Thus it cannot fully reveal the fea￣ture and value of Kangding Guozhuang, a complex cultural phenomenon.
Based on existing data, past research, and fieldwork on the oral history of Kangding Guozhuang conducted in August 2013 , this article gives some new interpretations to the features of Guozhuang culture from an interdisciplinary per￣spective as follows:
1 ) The forever “48 Guozhuang” are a Kang￣ding urban memory, which displays the common cultural psychology of regarding Kangding as an important trade city of the Han and Tibetans; and Guozhuang carries a folk cultural memory of more than 200 years. After the gaitu guiliu policy ( re￣placement of native officials with centrally appoint￣ed officials) in the late Qing period, the number of newly appeared Guozhuang even reached 60 to 70 .“Although each of them had its own courtyard, and people also called them Guozhuang, they were still quite different from the 48 Guozhuang in the minds of the Kangding people”. This not only in￣dicates that the 48 Guozhuang within the orthodox system were deeply rooted in the hearts of the local people, but also reflects that Guozhuang were re￣garded as the most proper carrier for the communi￣cation between the Han and Tibetan during the late Qing period, otherwise so many Guozhuang court￣yards would not have appeared in history.
2 ) From the name to its architectural form, or function, a Guozhuang was influenced by the Han culture, however, it still had strong Tibetan char￣acteristics. Actually it could be regarded as a min￣iature of local culture of Kangding. Every Guozhuang had its own Tibetan name and Chinese name. The architectural style of the Guozhuang was actually different from traditional multiple -level blockhouse. There was always a courrtyard, and it was larger than that of Han. The vast court￣yard was not only a space for the Tibetan business￣man to cook food and boil tea, but also a space for organizing their entertainment activities, such as singing and dancing in a circle. You Tai, a minis￣ter of the Qing dynasty in Tibetan areas, recorded a grand dancing party organized by the local Tusi to welcome his arrival, which reflected the significant position of the Guozhuang in cultural activities. The upper-class of the Kham area, including Tusi and the Guozhuang host, tried to build a close re￣lationship with both Tibetan and Han in all means, including the title, kinship relation or customs, and successfully built up a central zone on which both sides can be understood. It was just due to the special geographical location and cultural tradi￣tion that made the reconstruction of a cross cultural buffer zone possible.
3 ) The managers of the Guozhuang were mainly the hostesses ( Ajia Kaba in Tibetan lan￣guage) , and this also reflected a kind of feminism in Kham culture. The tradition of the Dong nv guo ( East Kingdom of Women ) enabled the women to run their business in and out of the family. When the tea trade started, the Guozhuang host had to spend much of their energy on providing service to the Tusi, so the Guozhuang hostess took the re￣sponsibility of managing the business of the Guozhuang. Ajia normally controlled the initiative of negotiation in the Han-Tibetan trade, and they played the role of interpreters in the negotiation. There were many live -in son -in -laws in the family of the Guozhuang and this kind of marriage was even more popular in the period from the late Qing dynasty to the Republican era.
If we conduct an analysis of the value of Kangding Guozhuang from multiple dimensions, we would notice that the existence of the non-market interpersonal model in this institution, on some certain degree, had solved the problem of the lack of social cohesion resulting from marketization. From this angle, the value of Guozhuang culture in the improvement of the economic institutions of the market cannot be ignored.
This fieldwork also reflects the significant and comprehensive influence of the Guozhuang cultural heritage of Kangding. When viewed from this an￣gle, its value is incredible. According to the data collected from the fieldwork, all the people, inclu￣ding officials, scholars, businessman and ordinary people, are aware that the Guozhuang is a cultural heritage which has a high and comprehensive val￣ue. If the relevant government bodies could in￣clude it into the scope of heritage protection, and build it into a cultural space of intangible cultural heritage, it will have a much higher heritage val￣ue , and play an important role both in the econom￣ic development and construction of harmonious eth￣nic relationships.
The Kangding Guozhuang also played a role in the deconstruction of the Han - Tibetan social structure - this kind of value can not only be in￣troduced to the present world and influence the fu￣ture world, but also can be seen as a hub which connects the “ancient” and “modern” Han -Ti￣betan relations. Traditionally, there was a structur￣al rule in the communications between the Han and Tibetan, namely that “the Han and Tibetans are somewhat separated from each other ”, however, the Guozhuang model in Kangding deconstructed this Han-Tibetan rule. This was closely related to elements such as social composition, ways of life, marriage, family, kinship, and religious customs. The disappearance of Guozhuang also has its own causes, for instance, the absence of inheritors and failure in operation of this system. However, this article proposes that it is mainly influenced by the social reforms in the historical process. Hence, that is the reason why modern enterprises which re￣tain certain connotations of the Guozhuang could re-appear in the Kang area. In the survey, we no￣tice that some enterprises have already made efforts in this regard. In summary, Kangding Guozhuang had creatively formed a security institution with a more humanized nature, and played an important role in the alleviation of social tensions in ethnic areas. Contemporary society, composed as it is of people with multi-ethnic backgrounds, still needs this kind of “deconstruction”.     

明末到民国时期康区宗教性集会与集市之关系考察——以甘孜镇为例

宗教性集会是藏传佛教传统文化的重要内容,既有宗教和文化娱乐的功能,还具有经济功能--为剩余产品的交换提供时空条件.这样,借助宗教性集会形成藏区集市.文章以甘孜镇宗教性集会、集市为例,简要探讨明末到民国时期这一时间段内,康区宗教性集会与集市的关系及其特点.     

嘉绒藏族传统服饰变迁述论

嘉绒藏族传统服饰是如何发生变迁的,与藏族、汉族及其他民族服饰有何联系与区别?文章借有限的历史文献记载对隋唐前后、清代以及新中国建国以后几个关键的历史阶段进行考察,探讨了嘉绒传统服饰变迁的过程、特点及其原因,认为文化传播、社会制度变革和转型、经济发展水平是导致嘉绒服饰变迁的三个主要因素。     

驳《吐蕃僧诤记》关于政治因素的推论

吐蕃僧诤在藏传佛教历史上具有开创性的意义.众多学者都一致认为这次僧诤事件有一定的政治背景.《吐蕃僧诤记》作者认为吐蕃与唐朝之间的政治关系是导致汉僧一万在论战中失败的重要原因.笔者不敢苟同这个观点,在引用作者原语基础之上,重新分析史料,逐一点破他的论证过程,并认为吐蕃僧诤的结果是吐蕃本身对宗教选择的结果,符合宗教适应社会发展这一规律,而与唐蕃之间的政治矛盾毫无关系.     

民国年间（1912～1949年）汉藏佛教文化交流——内地僧人赴藏求法

汉藏佛教文化交流自唐朝开始,经宋、元、明、清历朝不断,进入民国达到高潮。大勇法师曾在北京组建留藏学法团,其中的部分成员进藏求法,将大量的藏文佛教典籍翻译成汉文,推动并加强了藏传佛教研究,增进了汉藏僧人的相互了解和汉藏民族文化的交流。     

马福祥与现代回儒对话——兼谈回儒对话的价值与意义

马福祥（1876-1932）,字云亭,回族,甘肃临夏人,与其侄马鸿宾、子马鸿逵执政宁夏长达37年之久,先后出任宁夏护军使、绥远都统、西北边防会边、航空督办、国民党军事委员会委员、故宫博物院理事、青岛特别市市长、安徽省主席、蒙藏委员会委员长等要职,曾得到西北回族军人拥戴,以西北回民领袖身份自居。马福祥一生饱读经书,崇尚儒家文化,同时非常关心回族文化教育事业,为消除清代在回汉民族间造成的创伤及隔阂,提倡回儒对话,成绩显著,成为现代社会著名回族人物。     

现代藏学研究方法探究——以《中国藏学》《西藏研究》期刊为例

藏学研究是专门研究藏族社会历史和文化形态的综合性学科,作为藏学研究的重要组成部分,藏学研究方法一直为学界所关注与重视。统计研究发现,在方法论与研究方式层面上,现代藏学研究中应用频次较多的是人文主义与定性研究;在收集资料方法上,藏学研究人员运用最多的是文献法,其次是田野调查法、深度访谈法与数据库;分析资料方法以定性分析、分类法、问题阐述为主;主题研究与研究方法呈显著相关性;两类期刊与研究主题、研究方法具有显著相关性;方法论、研究方式与具体研究方法之间以及具体研究方法内部之间呈显著相关性。