Tareq Oubrou's Geotheology: Shari'ah of the Minority and the Secularization of Islamic Theology in the European Context

This article introduces the work of the French imam-theologian Tareq Oubrou as a prominent voice of the emerging “European Islamic thought”. It argues that the imam uses Islamic classical jurisprudential devices (such as fatwas), contemporary hermeneutics and critical thought, and personal communion with the divine (spirituality) to renew the understanding of God, Man, and the Qura'n in the European context. In so doing, he (1) “relativizes” shari'ah law by emphasizing the questions of ethics and meaning, (2) “minoritizes” Islam as a religion in a pluralist liberal milieu, and (3) “localizes” its norms, “nationalizes” religious authority, and “institutionalizes” its manifestations. His work is synthesized in this article in three concepts: (1) “geotheology,” (2) “shari'ah of the minority” which are Oubrou's own terms/concepts, and (3) “European Islam”.     

豪迈强劲 意气风发 自成一家——元代蒙古族汉文诗歌的创作先河者伯颜及其创作

伯颜作为元代早期学习汉字进行创作的诗人,原系成吉思汗近亲家族人,一生于军旅中,其汉文诗歌主要描写自已的亲身经历。他以得天独厚的军旅统帅生活为基础,创造了《奉使收江南》,《鞭》等不少内容充实,气势雄浑的诗歌与散曲作品。他的诗歌与散曲风格雄健,情调高昂,阔大豪放,气势雄浑,粗犷豪爽,他是元代蒙汉诗歌交流的先河者。     

The Modern Colonial Politics of Citizenship and Whiteness in France

While there is no blatantly racist discourse among the French political class per se, the modern politics of citizenship in France is rooted in France's racialized colonial legacy. Upon critical examination, contemporary French political discourse and policy implementations indeed speak to France's colonial past. The concept of ‘otherness’ is situated at the centre of French political discourse, and is manifested in constructions of whiteness. ‘Otherness’ has created a double standard for legal non-European immigrants compared with French and European citizens. The politics of integration and assimilation are founded on the ideological backdrop of universality, which falsely represents French society in colour-blind terms. This is evident in both moderate and extremist political party rhetoric in regards to new policies of immigration, citizenship and nationality. We contend that the contemporary political discourses in France closely resemble the colonial period in spite of (and precisely because of) France's historical amnesia. In this article, we explore the redefinition of French citizenship as an expansion of whiteness as rooted in the concept of ‘otherness’. In so doing, we contextualize the contemporary discourse of inclusion, exclusion, citizenship, and whiteness on the backdrop of France's colonial legacy.     

Images of 1812: Ivan Terebenev and the Russian Wartime Lubok

This article explores the articulation of national identity in Russia during the Napoleonic Wars. It examines this expression by focusing on the work of Ivan Terebenev, who produced 48 popular prints known as ‘lubki’ between 1812 and 1815. These images represented one of the first attempts by a Russian artist to redefine Russian national identity in the wake of Napoleon's invasion. By mocking the French emperor and emphasising the strengths of the Russian peasants, Cossacks and the Russian spirit in his images, Terebenev established themes that would continue to appear in prints in future Russian wars. Moreover, this article focuses on the reception of these images in Russia as a means of exploring how Russians who encountered them thought about their Russianness. Terebenev's images of 1812, as this article concludes, left a lasting impression on Russian visual culture and national identity.     

‘A new world rising’: Albert Camus and the absurdity of neo-liberalism

This article investigates the writings of Albert Camus in light of neo-liberal governmentality. Camus, a pied noir born in Algeria, was a key figure in the debates regarding the trajectory of French colonial rule. While his absurdist sensibility denounced absolute conceptions of justice and history, his cosmopolitan humanism rejected the possibility of an independent Algerian nation-state. By examining his literary and political writings, this article sheds light on his conceptions of the individual, natural limits, and legitimate violence. In so doing, it identifies assumptions common to Camus’ notion of the absurd and neo-liberalism while also arguing that the current neo-liberal climate has shaped many of the recent discussions of his work.     

‘Police On My Back’ and the postcolonial experience

‘Police On My Back’ was written in England by Eddy Grant and recorded by his group, The Equals, in 1967. Since then it has been covered by a number of artists. In this article I am concerned with the original and four covers. Over the 40 years between the Equals' version of the song and the final version with which I am concerned, the meaning of the lyrics has changed from being an expression of Jamaican rude boy culture to being a song that expresses the oppression of migrants from British and European colonies living in the metropoles of the colonisers. This article tracks the changes in musical and lyrical expression in the song against the increasingly oppressive circumstances of those migrants and their descendents. These are the circumstances that contributed to the British riots of 1981 and of 2011, and the French riots of 1981 and the many subsequent riots climaxing in those of 2005. ‘Police On My Back’ has always been hybrid. Grant's version placed rude boy lyrics with a British beat group sound. Later, as the lyrics came to reflect the circumstances of the migrants, so the musical backing came to include a variety of musical forms, many of which expressed the heritages of the performers and asserted the legitimacy of those heritages in a multicultural context.     

Gillray and the French Revolution

James Gillray represented the horrid barbarities of the French revolutionaries in his famous political satires which dramatised the event and showed Louis XVI as a martyr. He made the public aware of the dangers of the French Revolution and transfered the bloody massacres in a British context for the purpose of propaganda, warning his fellow countrymen against the disorder, violence and anarchy which could spread over to Britain. James Gillray took a conservative stance and his hand-coloured etchings alluded to the harmful effects of the French Revolution which threatened British stability, the Monarchy and the Constitution.     

Diversity,rights or privileges? Denunciation of multiculturalism, ‘political correctness’ and anti-racism of the ex-Commander of Scotland Yard Ali Dizaei

The widely disseminated court verdict on the former Scotland Yard commander, Ali Dizaei, as a violent bully and a liar at the end of his first trial in February 2010, brought about a noted denunciation of multiculturalism as ‘political correctness’. The jury's decision on the abuse of power by the Iranian-born officer was used by the denunciators to condemn the politics of rights that aligned multiple ethnic and racial identities as equal. The denunciation is looked at as a contingent mobilisation of the apolitical subject that is loitering on the boundary of politics calling for the ‘end of politics’ marked by the exclusion of the Other. At the same time the trial revealed that by advocating a policy designed to subsume particular ethnic and cultural belongings within a universal exercise of rights Dizaei had been able to resume his cultural differences as a source of privileges among his compatriots. Drawing on the incident as a result of which Dizaei had to stand trial and later a re-trial, using various sources, the paper examines the tension between the exercise of rights and privileges built into multiculturalism. The pertinence of the sources used to highlight the tension remains largely unaffected by the questioned reliability of the main witness of the prosecutor and the Appeal Court judges’ decision to order Dizaei's re-trial. The paper argues that multiculturalism sets in motion the incompatible agencies of the citizen, the member of a political community, and Man whose role is inscribed within civil society. Thus, the exercise of equal rights calls for dis-identification of the subject as a social and cultural agent. Such dis-identification, however, is displaced when the subject asserts his identity as Man, the bearer of unequal relations based on class, gender and race. In making provision both for the exercise of rights as well as the assertion of identity multiculturalism becomes instrumental in the subsumption of cultural differences within rights and the resumption of these differences in the articulation of privileges. The mediation of multiculturalism in the realization of rights and privileges accounts for the Iranian-born officer's oscillation between subsuming his cultural differences within British citizenship and resuming these differences in asserting his identity as an Iranian among the diasporic community. Using the notion of cultural diversity Dizaei was able to keep at arm's length the two spheres of rights and identity that allowed him to claim ‘not to be one of them’ thus oscillating between claiming the rights of a British citizen and the privileges of an Iranian magnate. The noted disruption in his power game that brought Dizaei to sit in the dock was the result of a failed attempt by the Iranian-born officer to contain the growing tension in his advocated multiculturalism arising from his simultaneous resort to rights and privilege.     

左宗棠的西北禁烟思想及其实践

西北回民起义结束后,西北各地鸦片种植泛滥,严重影响社会经济的恢复和发展,而且对于西北的社会风化构成很大的威胁。为此,左宗棠基于鸦片对西北社会危害的深入分析,采取了严厉禁烟的举措,遏制了当时鸦片种植泛滥的趋势。但是由于政策缺乏连续性和地方官员的奉行不力,西北的鸦片种植仍然未能根本杜绝。本文拟以左宗棠的西北禁烟思想和实践为中心,对其掌控西北政坛时期的一系列禁烟活动进行了较为详细的述论。     

Remember the Alcazar! The creation of nationalist myths in the Spanish Civil War: The writings of Robert Brasillach

This article analyses the process of the construction of nationalist myths in the writings of French writer Robert Brasillach on the Spanish Civil War. Brasillach consistently presented the war through romanticised images that he intended to become nationalist myths. In particular, he built into his work a set of markers pointing to medieval epic poetry, which he thought embodied the Spanish – and French – national character. Brasillach envisioned a three-part process wherein myths mobilise the masses and inspire an elite to carry out new acts of heroism, which are then repackaged and presented, through commemoration, as new mythic images. Finally, individuals integrate these mythic images with their own memories, thus placing their lives within the national tradition.     

Thank you Jah Jah fe give me this a colour: Yellowman's revalorization of the dundus

In 1982, Winston ‘Yellowman’ Foster rose to prominence as Jamaica's king of dancehall reggae and popularized the music genre internationally in the wake of Bob Marley's death. As a dundus, or black person with albinism, Yellowman challenged colonial-derived Jamaican social codes that questioned his blackness and masculinity. By using white society's stereotypes of black hypersexuality and symbols of blackness derived from Rastafari and its ideological forebears, Yellowman was able to transform the dundus identity by portraying himself as African, black, and included in what Carnegie in ‘The Dundus and the Nation’ (1996) calls the imaginary racially homogeneous (i.e. black) Jamaican nation. Furthermore, through his performance of slack or sexually themed songs Yellowman contested embedded cultural definitions of the dundus as impotent and instead successfully represented the body with albinism as the sexually desirable ‘modern body.’ This paper uses interpretive methodologies from interrelated fields such as cultural studies, religious studies and anthropology in recognition that the context of Yellowman's racial critique is found not only in his songs but in his life story as well. Therefore it draws on ethnographic fieldwork, textual analysis of song lyrics and a study of the discourse on Yellowman in the popular and scholarly literature.     

Taiwan and ROC: A critical analysis of President Chen Shui-bien's construction of Taiwan identity in national speeches

Names used to address Taiwan – such as taiwan and zhonghuamingguo (Republic of China [ROC]) – are symbols defining Taiwan's political realities, each with their own unique historical significance. Since his election in 2000, Taiwan's president Chen Shui-bien has had to alternate between taiwan and ROC to strike a balance among conflicting ideas about Taiwan's national identity. The act is grounded in complex political discourse dictating that Taiwan must not be seen as separate from the sinic world and simultaneously to respond to steadily rising Taiwanese consciousness. Facing intercessions by the United States and China, as well as ever-present domestic clashes, rhetorical exigency requires the president to fashion unique political discourse concerning what Taiwan is and ought to be. This study explores how these names and related expressions are used in Chen's public addresses to the nation during his two-term tenure from 2000 to 2008, and how their development reflects the struggle over Taiwan's national identity.     

中国少数民族伦理道德的起源和发展规律研究

本文从少数民族伦理道德发展是前进的过程、少数民族伦理道德在批判中继承和发展、少数民族伦理道德进步是螺旋式上升过程、少数民族伦理道德从特殊性到统一性的发展等四个方面,论述了中国少数民族伦理道德的起源和发展规律。作者认为,研究中国少数民族伦理道德的起源和发展规律,对于全面认识和研究中国少数民族传统伦理道德,加强社会主义精神文明建设具有重要的历史和现实意义。     

Interview for the 9th Spanish Sociology Conference, 2007

Born in La Plata (Argentina) in 1939, Néstor García Canclini took his doctorate in the Humanities Faculty there, and, in 1978, obtained his doctorate in philosophy from the Université de Paris with a thesis on epistemology and history under the direction of Paul Ricoeur. He has resided in Mexico since 1976, and for many years was Director of the Program in the Study of Urban Culture at the Universidad Autonoma Metropolitana de Mexico. He has worked as a professor in the universities of Buenos Aires, San Pablo, Barcelona, Austin, Duke, and Stanford, and is the author of several books, some of which have become standard references in the field, such as Hybrid Cultures. In 2005, he was nominated by the French magazine Nouvel Observateur as one of the 25 most important world thinkers outside France.     

麦克仑南论一妻多夫制

古典进化论学派学者麦克伦南（John· Fergus· McLennan）曾在其著作《原始婚姻》中对一妻多夫这种婚姻家庭形态进行了论述。麦克仑南对一妻多夫的基本看法是,这种婚姻家庭形态并不是一种例外和反常形态,而认为一妻多夫是人类社会发展的一个重要和普遍阶段。麦克仑南的这个论点是基于他对人类早期社会基本图景的推论和分析。本文试图在说明麦克伦南关于人类早期社会与婚姻发展脉络的基础上,来讨论一妻多夫制在其中的序列与价值。     

Marabou Stork Nightmares: Irvine Welsh's anthropological vision

It has been suggested that the internal divisions in the notion of ‘Scottishness’ have led Scotland's Enlightenment writers to approach the nation with an ‘anthropological’ and ‘anthologising’ vision. In this article, I argue that we can see such a tendency in the work of the contemporary novelist Irvine Welsh, whose second novel, Marabou Stork Nightmares, dissects the masculinist tribalism of Scottish underclass culture. In performing the anthropological activity of observing and recording, Welsh anthologises Scotland's linguistic multiplicity and yet, through first person narrative, draws attention to the act of narration, the event of speaking which renders futile the possibility of detachment. Narrative complicity becomes paralleled with Scotland's guilty political history.     

匈牙利藏学家乌瑞学术生平及其藏学研究初探

乌瑞（Uray Géza，1921-1991），匈牙利著名藏学家、语言学家，他在藏语言、藏族历史研究领域享有盛誉。乌瑞的学术生平大致可分为三个时期：藏学启蒙时期（1940-1948），藏学研究初级阶段（1949-1973），全身心投入藏学研究阶段（1973-1991）。其对藏族方言、古藏文的研究包括对藏文动词结构、藏文词后缀的探究；其对藏族的研究主要通过对古藏文历史文献的考证，以探讨吐蕃时期的历史制度等。乌瑞的研究成果体现其丰富的文献基础和扎实的文学功底。他对古西藏文献学的一些难题和有争议问题有着颇为审慎的判断力，这使他成为一代典范。目前，国内学界对乌瑞的研究不多，还有待进一步深入。     

Nevertheless,They Persist: American and European Muslim Immigrants in the Era of Trump

This paper reviews the consequences of Donald J. Trump’s anti-Muslim rhetoric and policies vis-à-vis his travel ban on Muslim immigration experiences. The paper looks at the impact of Trump’s and like-minded European leaders’ Islamophobic rhetoric and policies on dominant cultures, public policies, and assimilation of Muslims in the U.S. and in Europe. The review correlates said rhetoric and policies with public attitudes about Muslims, the rise of hate crimes and violence against Muslims, public policy changes, and assimilation (including civic engagement) of Muslims. The paper contrasts the differences in attitudes and responses of Muslim and non-Muslim communities in the U.S. and Europe. It concludes that U.S. and European Muslims retain overall positive attitudes about their new home countries and institutions and are politically engaged against the rise of anti-Muslim xenophobia, which varies between America and Europe, based on their respective histories, cultures and economies.     

No Community is an Island,Every Intellectual is an Island: The Story of Bobby O'Malley

This article explores a number of anthropological themes -- specifically suburbanism, the island nature of socio-cultural milieux, and intellectualism -- by way of a novel, The Story of Bobby O'Malley , which narrates the tale of an intellectual boy growing up in a Newfoundland suburb. Intellectuality may be described as a condition of neither leadership nor followership, but of displaying a certain disengagement. It is in this way that Edward Said distinguishes 'the intellectual' from 'the expert', the latter being concerned with giving answers to questions out to him by others while the former exiles himself from the domain of conventional questions as such, in order to pose his own. The intellectual condition, Rapport argues, tells of an interactional-cum-cognitive displacement, an eschewing of the conventions, the habiti, of expression and exchange. To put it differently, the intellectual may be said to make for his vantage-point upon everyday life a certain 'island-ness', an 'elsewhere': intending, in Philip Larkin's words (1990, p. 104), that 'elsewhere underwrites my existence'.