少数民族网络政治参与研究

近年兴起的网络政治参与对于增进少数民族政治表达、优化民族治理决策、强化少数民族政治监督、涵育少数民族政治文化等具有积极效应.然而过度的、激进的、非常态的网络参与也会导致少数民族地区的利益冲突与治理危机.因此政府必须正确处理网络虚拟民族民主与现实维稳、少数民族自治与政治秩序的关系;重视并促进少数民族通过网络进行的政治参与活动,使之成为中国民族政治发展的一个新的生长点.文章以少数民族网络政治参与为研究对象,以其对中国当代民主政治的影响为基本线索,深入分析了影响少数民族网络政治参与的主要因素、发展困境及有效扩大少数民族网络政治参与的路径.     

刍议利益分化背景下的少数民族政治参与

少数民族政治参与的程度与水平是衡量民族政治发展的重要指标之一.现阶段,我国民族政治发展的宏观背景是改革,以及由此带来的利益结构变迁及利益分化过程.探讨利益分化背景下的少数民族政治参与问题是研究民族政治发展无法回避的课题.种种迹象表明,利益分化对于少数民族政治参与具有正反两个方面的影响.廓清利益分化对于少数民族政治参与的双重影响,进而努力扩大积极影响,消除消极影响,对于维护民族地区政治稳定,促进民族政治文化整合,推动民族政治发展,具有重要的现实意义.     

当前我国少数民族农民政治参与实证分析——基于全国961个少数民族农户的调查

少数民族政治参与是多民族国家民主政治生活的重要内容,是维护多民族国家统一、促进多民族国家发展的重要条件之一。我国少数民族农民政治参与的特征表现为结构性失衡,政治认知程度较高,但政治信息获取手段单一;投票积极性高但政治表达意愿低;政治参与的失范行为和非制度性政治参与行为并存。而且经济利益、文化地理以及少数民族农民的自身素质都已成为影响政治参与的关键因素。为此,应在继续坚持和完善民族区域自治制度的基础上,积极构建相应的政策落实机制、利益表达机制、扶持项目实施机制等。     

人口较少民族政治参与探讨

人口较少民族政治参与是我国少数民族政治参与的重要组成部分.党和国家非常重视人口较少民族政治参与,出台实施了一系列加强人口较少民族政治参与的政策和法律法规,为人口较少民族政治参与提供了重要保障.人口较少民族已初步形成了符合自身发展实际和特点的政治参与体制.根据人口较少民族发展的实际和政治参与存在的问题,加强人口较少民族的政治参与,是贯彻落实科学发展观,实现全面建设小康社会奋斗目标和各民族共同繁荣发展,不断巩固和发展平等、团结、互助、和谐的社会主义新型民族关系的本质要求.     

伊犁地区大中专院校少数民族学生思想政治状况调查研究

新疆伊犁地区作为我国反分裂、反恐怖、反渗透的前沿阵地,加强少数民族学生的思想政治教育至关重要。本文从从政治观、人生观和价值观、道德观、民族观、宗教观五个方面对伊犁地区大中专院校的少数民族学生思想政治状况进行了调查分析调查结果表明,新时期伊犁地区大中专院校少数民族学生思想政治状况的主流是积极、健康、向上的,但同时也存在一些不容忽视的问题需要我们高度重视。     

宗教文化浸润中的西北少数民族地区乡村政治发展研究

在西北少数民族地区,根植于民族情感与民族意识的宗教文化渗透于社会生活的各个方面,影响着民族成员的政治认知与政治评价,并成为乡村政治发展的重要文化资源。在民族地区乡村政治发展的过程中,我们应以积极的心态关注少数民族的宗教文化,以促进民族地区社会秩序的稳定与和谐。     

问题与对策:少数民族地区公民文化研究

民主政治建设是少数民族地区现代化建设的重要内容,不仅包括制度建设内容,而且也包括政治文化建设的内容。然而,少数民族地区民主建设面临着各少数民族成员民主制度、机制缺乏、民主意识淡薄以及注重宗教信仰、法治意识缺失。要培育少数民族地区民主型政治文化的基础和条件,就不得不建立和完善现代民主制度和机制,充分开发利用各种政治社会化手段。     

对构建民族地区和谐网络政治生态的思考

在网络信息化背景下,网络政治参与已经成为我国民主政治建设的重要内容。在民族地区,越来越多的公众开始利用网络参与政治,并对当地的网络政治生态环境产生了重要影响。但网络政治参与是一把双刃剑,运用不当则会严重影响政治生态文明。本文结合民族地区的地域、文化特征等,分析了影响民族地区网络政治生态建设的特殊因素,并对如何构建和谐的民族地区网络政治生态环境进行探索。     

论社会转型期少数民族政治认同的国家转向

本文从政治文化和政治实践两个方面入手,在探讨少数民族政治认同基本内涵的基础上,深入分析少数民族政治认同中张力关系的存在状态,并尝试提出社会转型期少数民族政治认同实现国家特向的主要路径.     

少数民族地区公民政治行为理念的政治学检视与作用力分析

公民的政治行为理念直接影响公民政治参与的水平和政治现代化的进程。由于历史和现实的原因,少数民族地区经济、政治、文化、社会发展相对落后,在一定程度上制约了公民政治行为理念的建设。     

论"族格"——试探民族平等与民族自治、民族自决的哲学基础

文章提出"族格"的概念,认为族格是自然赋予的,即天赋的每个民族无论大小强弱都具有平等的权利和尊严."人格"是"族格"的哲学基础,族格是人的群体的抽象人格,在多民族国家里,少数民族完整的"人格"的实现离不开"族格"的保障."族格"包括民族政治权利的平等和文化上的多元.文章以从自然法权推导出的族格理论揭示了民族平等、民族自治、民族自决理论等的哲学渊源,阐释了正确的民族理论和民族政策. "族格"理论对于正确认识和处理民族问题提供了新的视角,对于构建国家、民族之间和国家内部各民族之间的和谐关系具有一定的理论价值.     

中国共产党第三代领导集体关于维护祖国统一、反对民族分裂的理论--中国共产党第三代领导集体民族理论研究之五

中国共产党第三代领导集体关于维护国家统一、反对民族分裂的理论的基本观点包括加强民族团结,维护祖国统一和社会稳定,是全国各族人民的共同愿望和根本利益所在;加强民族团结,反对民族分裂,维护祖国统一,是各族人民的共同责任;分裂与反分裂的斗争从实质上讲是政治斗争;民族分裂主义分子是各族人民的共同敌人,是国家和民族的罪人;在反对分裂的斗争中,必须高举爱国主义和民族平等团结的旗帜,必须维护法律尊严,维护人民利益,维护民族团结,维护国家统一;反对分裂主义要坚定不移地相信和依靠各民族的广大干部和群众,等等.     

党对马克思主义解决民族问题基本理论的创造性运用

正确认识民族问题,制定科学的民族政策是协调民族关系,促进民族平等、团结,实现多民族国家稳定、统一、繁荣发展的重要保障。民族区域自治制度作为多民族国家成功解决国内民族问题的典范,是我国基本政治制度方面的一大创新。它从党解决民族问题的政策之一,上升为我国的一项基本政治制度,是党对马克思主义解决民族问题基本理论的创造性运用,也是各族人民的选择。     

自治与共治:民族政治理论新思考

现代民族政治意义上的自治产生于统治民族和被统治民族之间的暂时妥协 ,存在着排他性和从属性这一对难解的矛盾。中国等当代多民族国家的民族政治生活已经超越了传统的自治观念 ,实际已走上了民族共治的道路。民族共治有其必然性与合理性 ,它是“后自治”民族政治生活发展的客观要求 ,是与民族政治民主和共和“三位一体”的命题。当代民族政治理论应当以共治为核心思想进行构建 ,并赋予自治新的含义 :“民族政治性组织合法”加上“民族政治人格平等” ,应当成为自治的新概念 ,对此可以“当家作主”来界定 ;由这种新自治观出发 ,共治就是一个必然的结论 ,二者的关系也可以得到科学的解释。民族共治的理论意义在于它是批判各种片面的和非理性民族政治观念的武器 ,而实践价值则在于它是建设多民族统一国家、实现民族关系平等、自由与和谐的工具     

中国共产党第三代领导集体关于民族平等的理论和政策--中国共产党第三代领导集体民族理论研究之三

中国共产党第三代领导集体关于民族平等的理论和政策的基本观点包括各民族不分大小、历史长短、发育阶段高低,都应该一律平等;各民族有政治上、发展经济文化上的平等权利,语言文字、风俗习惯、宗教信仰上的平等地位;坚决反对民族歧视,反对大民族主义和狭隘民族主义;各民族都有自己生存发展的能力、优点和特点;我国各少数民族堂堂正正地成为祖国大家庭的平等的一员,积极参与管理社会和和国家事务,等等.     

中国共产党第三代领导集体关于社会主义民族关系的理论--中国共产党第三代领导集体民族理论研究之四

中国共产党第三代领导集体关于民族关系理论的基本观点包括我国现阶段各民族之间的关系是社会主义的新型民族关系;巩固和发展平等、团结、互助的社会主义民族关系,促进各民族共同繁荣进步;在我国民族关系上汉族与少数民族、少数民族之间"三个离不开";"三个离不开"是经济社会发展和民族进步的客观需要和必然趋势;社会主义时期各民族之间和民族内部的矛盾基本上是人民内部矛盾;巩固和发展社会主义民族关系,是建设有中国特色的社会主义的一项重要原则,等等.     

中国共产党少数民族统一战线政策的形成和发展 --中国共产党民族纲领政策形成和发展研究之十七

统一战线是我国革命的三大法宝之一,中国共产党的少数民族统一战线政策是党的一项重要民族政策.本文系统论述了中国共产党少数民族统一战线政策在新民主主义革命时期形成和发展、在社会主义时期发展和完善的过程.     

四川省少数民族服饰文化论要

四川省是民族众多的省份 ,各民族的服饰文化历史悠久 ,绚丽多姿 ,层面丰富 ,积淀丰厚。它们表现出各民族的历史轨迹、社会变迁、宗教信仰、审美情趣、创造才能和心理素质。本文论述了四川省少数民族服饰的历史功能、社会功能、宗教功能、民俗功能以及服饰的传承性与变异性 ,揭示出四川省少数民族服饰独特的文化特征     

南京国民政府时期全国性议政机构中少数民族代表考察

China is a multi-ethnic country. From the wuzu gonghe ( Five nationalities under one union ) in the early Republic of China to the current union of 56 ethnic groups, the participation of ethnic minorities in political affairs has always been a vital and important factor for the develop-ment of China’s democratic politics. On one hand, the Nanjing National Government was dedicated to the model of a“civil identification” and weakening ethnic characteristics. On the other hand, due to the immense pressure from the resistance of the Japanese invasion and the increase of minority representatives’ appeals, they had to gradually al-low some ethnic elites, as ethnic minority repre-sentatives, to participate in the national affairs so that they could acquire more political identity. Al-though the government of the Republic of China claimed “Five nationalities under one union” as well as declaring many times to guarantee extensive and orderly ethnic minority participation in national affairs, by analyzing cases of elections in the state council agencies during the period of Nanjing na-tional government, not all the promises were imple-mented. I. The general situation of the elections for ethnic minority representatives in the state council agencies. In the National Conference in 1931 , only Mongolia and Tibet were allowed to organize their own elections and send their own ethnic representa-tives. Among the total of 520 national conference representatives, Mongolian representatives accoun-ted for 12 , and Tibetans accounted for 10 . The National Political Council, which also known as“the Congress during war”, was founded on July 6 , 1938 , and was abolished on March 28 , 1948 . It lasted for 9 years and held conferences a total of 4 times. In all the 4 conferences, 10 people were elected as participants to represent Tibet to discuss political affairs, and 18 people were elected as participants representing Mongolia. However, al-though other minorities were not regarded as elec-ted units, yet still some outstanding personages from these ethnic minorities were recommended by their provinces or other political organs as partici-pants to discuss national political affairs. In the National Assembly held on November 15 , 1946 , each of the following provinces, including Yun-nan, Guizhou, Xikang, Sichuan, Guangxi and Hunan, were allowed to send ten people who re-presented their local ethnic minorities to discuss political affairs. In the National Assembly held in March of 1948 , not only the numbers of ethnic mi-norities increased, but also the way of electing them was improved. II. An analysis of the election conditions of the ethnic minority representatives in the national state agencies. 1 . Although the numbers of ethnic minority representatives increased, nevertheless, the pro-portion of them did not. During 18 years ( 1931-1948 ) , the number of the ethnic minority repre-sentatives increased from the initial 22 to 147 . However, the proportion of them only increased by 0. 7%, which was not so remarkable. 2 . The structure of the ethnic minority repre-sentatives was complicated, but most came from the “upper classes”. In the year of 1931 , there were only 6 representatives for the state conference from both Mongolia and Tibet. By the year 1948, there were 148 ethnic minority representatives coming from Mongolian, Tibetan, Hui, Manchu, Miao, Yi, and, so on, ethnic groups. As a result, the structure of ethnic representation was more complex as the numbers increased during the peri-od of Nanjing National Government. Many repre-sentatives were elected by the selection method, and most of them came from the upper classes. Therefore, structurally, representatives from the bottom rung of society who deeply understood the sufferings of ethnic people, were lacking. 3 . The regional characteristics of the ethnic minorities were weakened and the ethnic character-istics were strengthened. With regard to the elec-tion of representatives for the National Conference held in 1931, in consideration of regional politics, only Tibet and Mongolia were chosen as election u-nits which could hold their own elections. When the National Political Council was held in 1938 , the situation had not changed. Many provinces, for example, Xinjiang, and Ningxia, and many south-western provinces, which were home to many eth-nic minority people, could only select their repre-sentatives through elections held either by organiza-tionsor elections on the provincial or municipal lev-el. It was not until the victory of the war against Japan, that the National government acknowledged the particular characteristics of the southwestern ethnic minorities. It was only at the time of the e-lection for the representatives for the National As-sembly, that the Manchu and Hui achieved the right to hold their own election separately. III. “Five nationalities under one union” or“Single nation state”? Although the Nanjing National Government claimed “Five nationalities under one union” and asserted to the public that all the nationalities were equal, Sun Yat-sen and Chiang Kai-shek were hopeful of building a country which promoted the situation of a “single nation state”. Their ethnic policies embraced the hope of the national govern-ment, i. e. to replace“ethnic identity” with“state identity”. In fact, with the awakening of ethnic consciousness in modern times, it was obvious that the idea that 400 million of people came from the same nationalities was only the government’s view. During that time, although the political status of a few ethnic minorities was acknowledged by the gov-ernment and the number of the ethnic minority rep-resentatives increased, the change was not promo-ted by the national government on its own accord. First of all, because of the pressure from the resist-ance to the Japanese invasion, all the social clas-ses needed to unify. In addition, many ethnic elites tried their best to gain the opportunity to par-ticipate in national affairs. What’s more, the eth-nic policies in those regions governed by the Com-munist Party were also one of the influential fac-tors. From the National Conference to the National Assembly, the criteria for holding elections were still only acquired by the Mongols, Tibetans, Hui, Manchus and the ethnic minorities in the southeast-ern border areas. All in all, it was an unequal way for ethnic minority representatives to participate in national affairs. Objectively, the ideal of a “Single Nation state” which was pursued by the nationalists was not suitable for China’s situation. Instead, it might be the cause of ethnic conflicts. China has a vast territory with uneven economic development. The transportation, economy and education in the re-gions where ethnic minorities live were mostly un-developed. As a result, it was difficult for the eth-nic minorities to win when they campaigned with the inner regions which held many resources. Fur-thermore, although a few of the ethnic minorities were gradually granted the status of political sub-ject by the Nanjing National Government, this process lacked efficiency. A large group of the ci-vilians belonging to ethnic minorities had trouble approaching state identification while, moreover, their own ethnic identification was not acknowl-edged by the government. Therefore, the ethnic minority region naturally found it difficult to identi-fy with the rule of the national government.     

论中国少数民族人权保障模式--中国的民族区域自治制度与民族区域自治权

民族区域自治制度是中国政府根据中国的实际情况用特殊措施保护少数民族人权的一项基本政治制度.民族区域自治权是民族区域自治制度的重要内容,是中国少数民族人权的重要方面.自治机关自治权的完善和充分行使问题,是新时期完善和发展民族区域自治制度的核心问题.