仪式、归属与重构——中国彝族“尼木”祭祖送灵仪式与韩国棺头洁净仪式比较研究

通过对中国彝族“尼木”仪式和韩国韩民族“洁净祭”仪式的含义、程序与功能进行对比后，发现二者形式差异和性质相同。仪式差异点：彝族“尼木”仪式是两个父母去世后才进行，而韩民族是死者出殡前晚上进行；彝族用竹子制作灵牌代表亡灵，韩民族是用死者衣物代表亡灵；彝族是通过毕摩念经和象征行为模拟来完成，韩民族是巫堂以多种专门的乐器伴奏下用歌曲或说话来完成。仪式共同点：主要以五个程序构成；宗旨是将亡灵送往极乐世界；目的是通过象征仪式和娱乐活动把悲伤绝望转化为希望和喜乐，追求人类延续和幸福。彝族的“尼木”仪式和韩民族“洁净祭”在宗教意义上都是以象征的形式把亡灵送往极乐世界而变成祖灵，重构了对立统一的人界和神界，以便达到重构人们和谐生活秩序的目的。     

凉山彝族“说布”仪式文化意蕴

"说布"是彝族原始宗教活动中最为普遍的仪式现象,是一种多样化的季节性仪式。它反映了彝族丰富多彩的鬼神观念和对自然现象的认知。其具有神学思维特征和神圣意识形态。"说布"背后隐藏的是人类应与自然和谐相处及和谐之美的思想意识和文化意蕴。在彝族"说布"仪式中,几乎每一件使用的物品、每一个动作手势、每一段唱词,都对应有特定的文化符号和隐藏着深厚的文化意蕴。     

凉山彝族“说布”仪式文化意蕴

“说布”①是彝族原始宗教活动中最为普遍的仪式现象,是一种多样化的季节性仪式.它反映了彝族丰富多彩的鬼神观念和对自然现象的认知.其具有神学思维特征和神圣意识形态.“说布”背后隐藏的是人类应与自然和谐相处及和谐之美的思想意识和文化意蕴.在彝族“说布”仪式中,几乎每一件使用的物品、每一个动作手势、每一段唱词,都对应有特定的文化符号和隐藏着深厚的文化意蕴.     

凉山彝族丧葬习俗的文化内涵

凉山彝族的丧葬习俗历史悠久、仪式复杂,较完整的保留了原始风貌,反映出浓厚的原始宗教文化色彩,同时也透射出凉山彝族的鬼神观、生活禁忌、性别意识,以及通过祭祀圈反映出社区内部的交往情况,是研究彝族民俗文化和宗教生活的活素材.     

凉山彝族诞生礼仪式的文化解读

在田野调查基础上,就凉山彝族诞生礼中求子礼、孕期禁忌、出生礼等仪式进行描述和解读,管窥凉山彝族诞生礼所承载的以自然崇拜为基础,神灵崇拜为核心的文化观及所反映的凉山彝族驱邪除秽,禳灾除害,祈福人丁兴旺,家族强盛的思想和愿望。     

中国首部大型彝族文化总集编译完成

<正>中国首部大型彝族文化总集《彝族毕摩经典译注》于近日完成编译工作,正式印刷出版90卷。它标志着《彝族毕摩经典译注》从零散到集成,从翻译不规范到规范,从质量参差不齐到精品,是彝族文化史上一个重要里程碑。"毕摩"是彝语音译,即"念诗诵经的长者",是彝族传统社会的知识阶层和仪式活动家,彝族传统文化的     

神药两解的“斯觉都”：凉山彝族民俗医疗仪式与治疗机理

“斯觉都”是凉山彝族民间治疗顽固性皮肤病、风湿病和痨病的民俗医疗仪式,因其治疗效果显著,已成为具有地方性权威的本土医学实践共识。从医学人类学和象征人类学视角分析“斯觉都”借助“神”与“药”的两解方式,揭示其“巫”与“医”的结合过程,从而达到治病救人的医疗效果。“斯觉都”仪式治疗有着深刻的文化寓意与实践价值,一方面通过民俗医疗的疾病解释模式与治疗仪式,患者在族群文化中找到疾病的治疗方法。另一方面,仪式治疗使用的仪式植物,是民众千百年来地方性植物药知识的实践,构成彝族民族药物学理论的重要组成部分。     

云南彝族题材电影《绝代》倾情首映

洋溢着浓郁民族风情和鲜明艺术特色、谱写了生命和谐壮美乐章和生动画卷的云南彝族题材电影《绝代》，1月8日在云南省楚雄州举行了隆重的首映仪式。     

彝汉巫医文化之比较——以《作祭献药供牲经》与《山海经》为例

在成书较早的汉文古籍《山海经》中,巫医文化时常被学者们提及。而生活在西南地区的彝族,同样有着深厚的巫医文化。在彝族祭祖仪式中念诵的祭祀典籍《作祭献药供牲经》正是反应这种特殊的巫医文化一部书籍。折射出远古先民从巫术到医术的探索足迹。本文试从文献性质、巫医记载、不死药母题等方面对彝族《作祭献药供牲经》和《山海经》中的巫医文化进行比较研究。     

由史俗到经述：彝族毕摩经籍中的“狸猫换太子”故事

彝族毕摩经籍中出现了关于宋仁宗的“狸猫换太子”故事，在历史记载、说书演义、叙事模式、社会语境、仪式过渡的共同作用下，由毕摩撰写完成了“仁宗的故事”。但是，该故事又由自己的方式来讲述，其深层次结构与很多故事类型和原型仪式有相似之处。     

浅析昭通彝族文化的起源及其影响

昭通在彝族及彝族文化发展、形成的过程中,起到过重要的历史作用,也是彝族及彝族文化发展、形成的核心地区。作为彝族文化的发祥地,昭通的彝族文化源远流长,历史悠久,具有独特的特征和浓郁的民族特色,又与其他地方彝族的文化有一定联系与共同点。     

彝民团对凉山民族工作的影响与作用

中国人民解放军成都军区彝民团从建团到全部使命的完成,走过了一条34年可歌可泣的发展道路,为凉山人民彻底翻身解放和推动凉山经济发展,谱写了无可替代且永不磨灭的历史篇章。然而,由于种种原因,这段军民传奇历史却一直只存留于民间记忆,或散载于州内内部资料而未曾专门公开发表或出版,而鲜为公众所知晓。本文主要在参考梁文英、毛均茹、李仕安和中国科学院等所著文本资料基础上,首次论述彝民团的建立过程及其为推动凉山彝族地区民族工作发展做出巨大贡献。在彝民团发展的岁月里,它经历了扩编和最终撤销的历程,所留下的宝贵经验,为我们探索今后军队与民族工作关系模式提供了重要依据。     

对电影《花腰新娘》的人类学解读

本文把电影《花腰新娘》作为人类学"文化批评"的一个文本,将其看做现代传媒文化对民族传统文化的一种阐释,并从人类学的角度对这种阐释做了分析.文章考察当地人(花腰彝)如何解读电影中关于他们的文化和生活的信息,如何表达他们对其中的意识形态的态度,又如何围绕媒体来组织他们的社会文化活动及经济活动.文章同时提出了民族文化传媒化过程中需要进一步思考的一些问题.     

贵州彝族传统情歌（曲谷）的音乐特色

Being one of the most ancient eth-nic groups in China, the ‘Yi’ have a long history and an abundant culture. Yi folk songs, which are widely sung in many regions of China, have vari-ous forms and styles. These folk songs reflect the lengthy history of the Yi society; indeed they ex-press the happiness and misery, the dreams and desires of the Yi people. Within this context, this article focuses on‘Qugu’ which is a unique type of music belonging to the Yi people. In fact most Yi people of Guizhou live in the Wumeng Mountains. In their quest for survival, over time the Yi had developed a series of natural worship rites which became one of the sources of their traditional mu-sic. In addition, Yi people formed a unique way to express their love: in times past they developed a tradition of singing in the mountains and forests as to convey their love to their beloved;the‘Qugu’ is one of these Yi’ s traditional love song genres.‘Qugu’ means ‘singing’ and this genre has its own social functioning. According to traditional Yi culture and habits, a ‘Qugu ’ should not be sung in front of parents, brothers, or other rela-tives;instead it should only be sung in a place sur-rounded by mountains and forests and on certain singing sites, called ‘Guji’(in Yi language). In most of the Yi settlements, such ‘singing sites ’ were placed far away from the villages, sometimes on flat areas and sometimes in the remote wilder-ness, in forests or caves. The singing activities on those special sites took place according to specific rules and calen-dars. During the so-called ‘singing festival’ peri-od ( from the 1 st to the 15 th day of the 1 st lunar month and on the 5th day of the 5th lunar month), the singing performances were particularly magnifi-cent. People of all ages, young and old, would gather together from all directions and would sing without interruption for several days. Moreover , the singing festival also had certain traditional rites ( ceremonies ) . For example, at the very beginning, certain clan elders or prestig-ious singers would offer wine and water to the‘heavens and earth ’ . After this offering, ‘the soul of the song’ was invited. The Yi people tradi-tionally worship nature and believe in animism, so indeed a ‘Qugu’ also has its own ‘soul’ . There-fore, when the singing festival would commence, they would invite the ‘soul of the song’ to come;this custom is called ‘Guyexi’ in the Yi language. The nextritual would be the ‘Guyidai ’ ( in Yi) , which means‘the settling down of the soul of the song’ at the particular singing site. There are lyrics like:‘If there is no settling down of the soul of the song, then when the next spring comes the sil-ver flowers will sever their roots, the golden flowers will sever their roots, and the singing sites cannot be set up ’ . After the settling down of the soul of the song, the next ceremony would be the ‘Gukoupu’ ( in Yi) or ‘opening of the mouth of the song ’:this basically means the ‘opening of the door of love’ and also indicates the formal beginning of‘Qugu’ activity. All of this shows indeed that the rite of‘Qugu’ is not as solemn as other rites, as in fact the lyrics of ‘Qugu ’ are mostly about love af-fairs and romance. When the‘Gukoupu’ ends, the young people can start to freely sing. There are indeed lyrics like: ‘Three young chaps brought three axes and went into three directions of the universe; they chopped three pine trees, sawed off three boards, made three chairs, and placed these facing three di-rections. They invited girls to take a seat; the girls sat down and sang. The girls invited the chaps to take a seat;the chaps sat down and sang’ . When this‘free singing’ begins, an ‘antiph-onal group singing’ starts at the singing site (‘Gu-ji ’ ); males and females take part in this and stand/sit separately as they all sing in antiphonal style. In the middle there is a ‘go-between ’ in charge of coordination, judging, and passing on information. The males and females sing and ob-serve back and forth. During this process, affec-tions may emerge between a certain male and fe-male. If indeed a guy or young lady takes a fancy to another person, he or she will ask the go-be-tween for help. If the counterpart gives a positive response, then the two will leave the group and go elsewhere to talk and sing. During this ‘antiphonal group-singing’ , each group can allow a certain ‘representative ’ to sing solo;this solo should not be a repeat of some song performed by someone from another group. The young males and females thus can each show off their voices by singing songs with free rhyme, sweet melodies, and serious or deep topics. It is easy to see that this ‘antiphonal group singing ’ provided a major means of romantic communication between young Yi men and women. In fact, the number of songs they could sing as well as the technique used in singing these significantly deter-mined one’ s ability to attract the opposite sex. As a consequence, both males and females were strongly committed to learn to sing, trying their best to master more and better songs. Through learning from their predecessors, they made an ef-fort to improve their singing abilities. As said, traditionally at the beginning of the singing festival, ‘the soul of the song’ would be invited; well, likewise at the end of the festival‘the soul of the song’ should be sent away again. The Yi people believed that if they would not send the soul of the song away, the young would be ob-sessed by affections all the time and even lose their minds. Finally, Guizhou Yi ’ s folk music-generally speaking-has a great variety in content, perform-ance locations, forms, and genres. Moreover, due to the regional differences music styles also vary geographically. All of this makes the multi-colored Yi music even more delightful and appealing. Unfortunately, the entire tradition ( ceremo-nies) of the‘Qugu’ as described above, no longer exists today. The singers who still know these pro-cedures are getting old and eventually will forget these rites. This is a big loss for the living tradition of the Yi culture, and it is a source of grief for those who study Yi culture, in China and abroad.     

凉山彝族嫫尼现状调查

彝族嫫尼是生活在彝区的一个特殊群体,由一些已婚女性组成,她们用自己的巫术为人驱鬼治病,禳解灾难,占卜未来。作者在长期田野调查的基础上,描述了凉山彝族嫫尼成巫的原因和条件,她们从事的法事活动,她们的生存现状,以及嫫尼在彝族社会中的地位。笔者所做的调查研究可以增加人们对这一特殊群体的了解和认识,为今后进一步的研究奠定一定的基础。     

政府主导与彝族传统花灯保护——以永宁村文艺演出为例

彝族花灯曾在彝民的日常生活中占有重要地位。在国家文化遗产保护的大背景下,政府开始将其申报为非物质文化遗产。从永宁村考察看,彝族花灯正是在政府的大力扶助下,呈现出与以往不同的发展特点,并重新获得了生机和活力。     

新时期彝族文学批评的动态浅论——以黄玲、李骞、罗庆春为例

新时期以来,彝族文学批评的参与者主要是彝族身份的学者、诗人和作家,他们从自身创作结合民族性、地域性等对彝族文学展开批评和研究,在自己喜爱的领域提出了自己的观点,在少数民族文学批评界较有影响.     

试论"燕行录"中蒙古人消极形象之成因

明清易代之际,朝鲜李朝在武力威胁之下以清朝为宗主国,但其并不以清朝为中华正统而视之.对于蒙古人,李朝之恨甚于对于满人之恨,燕行录即充分体现出了对于蒙古人之极大鄙夷.归其原因:首先,在"满蒙联姻"中,李朝人视蒙古人为满清的"帮凶".其次,在信仰体系中,蒙古人藏传佛教信仰与李朝人儒教独尊之间存在冲突.再者,在华夷之辨观念中,向以"小中华"自居的李朝人视蒙古人为"夷"族.     

抗战时期一个彝区土司的边务实践与民情叙述——《倮情述论》中的彝人社会与边疆图景

抗日战争时期,岭光电作为一个兼有彝区土司和军政职务的彝族精英,其《倮情论述》一书所陈述的彝区的边务实践与民情风俗,展现了在国族政治抱负下,彝区精英如何对彝人历史、社会、文化之图景进行重新的组织与呈现。在民族国家的语境下,他的论述获得了时代意义:即让西南边地的人民与现代中国的国家化进程接轨,从而在使国家更为完整的同时,也让边民获得其民族地位与国民权益。岭光电所具备的时代穿透性和空间跨越性,也使得他的边务实践和民情叙述充满了一种宝贵的韧性和灵活性,而这些正是当代社会科学研究所缺乏的。     

从中国彝族的认同谈族体理论--与郝瑞(Stevan Harrell)教授商榷

近来美国学者郝瑞以四川攀枝花几个彝族支系为例，对中国彝族的认同提出质疑，认为这不符合“族群”的概念，因此彝族的“聚拢”带有任意性。他还从“民族”与“族群”两个概念出发，认为中国并无“族群”概念。本文认为，彝族虽然支系众多，但历来即有认同，新中国的民族识别只是加强了彝族整体的认同性；“民族”与“族群”的概念确有差别，我国以往在翻译和使用上曾将其混用，造成误解，这一问题现已不存在；必须充分利用中国的民族志资料构建族体理论。