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1.
当前,影响我国城市民族关系的因素主要有四个:城市少数民族流动人口问题;全球化背景下的媒体宣传问题;清真饮食业的清真不清或者假清真问题;城市少数民族职工下岗问题。这些问题,给城市的民族工作提出了新的要求、新的任务,在这一过程中,城市已经摸索出了一些十分宝贵的经验:北京城市民族工作堪称我国城市民族社区建设的典范;上海城市民族工作代表了当前我国城市民族工作发展的方向;武汉城市民族工作是我国城市民族工作建立服务型体系的一个典范——  相似文献   

2.
<正>湖南是一个民族工作大省,不但民族自治地方工作任务很重,城市民族工作任务也相当繁重。据最近摸底调查,全省城区有常住少数民族人口48.38万人,占少数民族总人口的7.22%,各市州城区每年进入的少数民族流动人口有25万人次左右。多年来,在湖南省委、省政府的高度重视和各级各部门的大力支持下,经过全省各级民族工作部门的共同努力,湖南城市民族工作取得了可喜成就,有力地推进了全省民族团结进步事业。  相似文献   

3.
民族团结进步事业是建设中国特色社会主义伟大事业的重要组成部分.贵州省黔东南州以关注民生、解决民困、加强民族法制建设、积极开展民族团结宣传教育活动,创建民族团结示范村和社区等方式推进了民族团结进步事业的发展,促进了黔东南州各族人民和睦相处、和衷共济、和谐发展.  相似文献   

4.
《民族论坛》2013,(9):27-29
湖南各级党委政府认真贯彻执行党的民族政策,紧紧围绕“共同团结奋斗、共同繁荣发展”的民族工作主题,全面实施“四化两型”的富民强省战略,全省民族团结进步事业取得了巨大成就。湖南把民族团结教育贯穿于精神文明建设和公民道德建设全过程。引导各族干部群众把自觉维护民族团结作为基本道德规范;坚持开展自治州.自治县、民族乡逢十周年庆典活动和民族团结进步表彰活动,大力宣传党和政府及全社会共同推动民族地区发展的成就和经验,大力表彰民族团结先进典型,用群众身边的人和事教育群众,带动各族群众积极参与民族团结进步事业。  相似文献   

5.
广西提出建设民族团结进步模范区,具有丰富的历史文化基础和实践依据,是一项民族团结进步事业的开创性举措。这需要制定科学的工作思路和措施,认真做好民族和谐的交往与交融工作,强化社会主义文化整合和引导功能,只有这样才能更好地促进和加快广西民族团结进步事业的发展。  相似文献   

6.
《城市民族工作条例》出台的前前后后   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
《城市民族工作条例》是我国城市民族工作的第一部行政法规,是对宪法关于民族平等原则在城市工作中的具体落实。它对于巩固和发展我国平等、团结、互助的社会主义新型民族关系,进一步推动我国城市民族团结进步事业,具有十分重要的现实意义和深远的历史意义。  相似文献   

7.
民族团结进步事业,是事关社会和谐稳定,事关国家长治久安的大计。湖北省是民族工作的大省,在历届省委、省政府大力推进民族团结进步事业的基础之上,近些年来,我们建立了加快少数民族和民族地区发展的616对口支援工作机制。这项工作得到了党和国  相似文献   

8.
上海把民族工作做进社区里   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
现代意义的社区是工业文明的产物,是一定地域内居民生活的共同体。世界各国特别是发达国家,都把社区建设和管理作为社会发展的重要内容和衡量社会进步的重要标志。上海正在向建成国际经济中心城市的宏伟目标迈进。加强社区建设和管理,发挥社区在城市现代化建设和管理中的基础性作用是上海组织实施宏伟目标的一项重要举措。社区民族工作是社区工作的一个组成部分,为此,我们务必要抓住上海社区工作发展的有利机遇,用新的思路新的方法来研究社区民族工作,努力开创适应社区建设和民族团结进步事业发展的社区民族工作。1996年3月27日,中共…  相似文献   

9.
《民族论坛》2009,(2):5-5
<正>中共中央政治局常委、全国政协主席贾庆林要认真学习贯彻胡锦涛总书记关于民族工作的重要批示精神,站在党和国家事业发展全局的高度,深刻认识新形势下加强民族团结的重大意义,牢牢把握各民族共同团结奋斗、共同繁荣发展的民族工作主题,紧紧围绕促进民族团结、实现共同进步的民族工作根本任务,不断把民族团结进步事业推向前进。  相似文献   

10.
今年是实施“十一五”规划的开局之年,宜昌市委提出了“全面建设小康社会、努力构建世界水电旅游名城”的战略目标,并在实现这一目标过程中,把民族工作作为重中之重,其实质就在于紧紧把握贯彻落实中央、全省民族工作会议和国务院第四次全国民族团结进步表彰大会精神、进一步推进民族团结进步事业。为紧紧抓住民族工作的大好机遇、动员全市上下团结一心,开拓进取,共同谱写全市民族团结进步事业的新篇章,中共宜昌市委、宜昌市人民政府于今年8月8日隆重召开了全市民族工作会议暨第二次民族团结进步表彰大会,传达贯彻中央、全省民族工作会议精神,总结“十五”以来全市的民族工作,表彰为民族团结进步事业做出突出贡献的先进单位和先进个人,分析民族工作面临的新形势、新任务,研究部署当前和今后一个时期全市的民族工作。借此机会,记者专题采访了中共宜昌市委书记李佑才同志。  相似文献   

11.
随着现代社会城市化进程的加快,城市少数民族流动人口在不断增加,即给城市发展带来了活力,有助于构建多元城市文化和实现民族团结与共同繁荣,同时,也为城市管理带来了困难,如何管理城市少数民族流动人口已成为城市民族工作面临的新课题。本次调查以长株潭地区少数民族流动人口作为研究个案,采取定性分析和定量分析的方法,对区域内少数民族流动人口的基本状况和所产生的影响进行了深入分析,指出了城市少数民族流动人口服务管理工作中存在的困难和问题,最后提出了完善城市少数民族流动人口服务管理工作的对策与建议。  相似文献   

12.
少数民族流动人口与城市民族工作   总被引:16,自引:0,他引:16  
本文在研究少数民族流动人口构成和城市中少数民族流动人口不断增长趋势的基础上 ,提出了城市民族工作在内容、范围、方式方面均应作出适应性的调整。城市民族工作应更注重政策环境的建设 ,注重法制建设 ,注重少数民族人口流出地和流入地政府之间的密切合作与协调 ,建立起更有效的机制 ,从而有效地管理少数民族流动人口 ,并保障少数民族应有的权益  相似文献   

13.
新形势下湖南省城市民族工作问题研究   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
谷峰 《民族论坛》2012,(2):69-72
根据全国第六次人口普查报告(2011)的数据显示,少数民族人口十年年均增长0.67%,高于汉族0.11个百分点。由此可见少数民族数量正在逐渐上升,且在一、二线城市中,少数民族流动人口在总人口中所占的比重也有很大提高。此外,城市化进程已经成为当今社会。发展的重要趋势。但是,事物都是一分为二的,正是城市化的快速发展,使当前城市民族工作也遇到了新的难题与困境,诸如少数民族人口流动性加快,教育程度较低,社会权益保障有待完善等,作为民族工作者,担负着维护民族团结的重任,更应该不断的研究新问题,从而为民族团结保驾护航。  相似文献   

14.
试论影响城市民族关系的几个因素   总被引:3,自引:1,他引:2  
本文认为,影响我国城市民族关系的因素主要有以下四个,即:城市少数民族流动人口问题,全球化背景下的媒体宣传问题,清真饮食业的清真不清或者假清真问题,城市少数民族职工下岗问题。必须采取相应措施,将这种影响降到最低,维护城市民族关系的和谐发展。  相似文献   

15.
关于现阶段处理少数民族宗教问题的分析与思考   总被引:6,自引:0,他引:6  
我国少数民族大部分信仰宗教。少数民族宗教问题往往与少数民族地区的改革、发展、稳定紧密相联 ,是一个关乎全局的大问题。新中国成立以来 ,少数民族宗教工作经历了 4个发展阶段 ,积累了丰富的经验。新世纪新阶段进一步处理好少数民族宗教问题 ,要做到 :加强党的民族、宗教政策的宣传教育工作 ;依法管理宗教活动场所 ;加快培养爱国爱教的新代表人物 ;正确对待和处理少数民族宗教之间、教派之间、教派内部的一些问题 ;提高对民族分裂主义的认识 ,有效抵御境外敌对势力利用宗教对我国的渗透 ;加强和改善党的领导  相似文献   

16.
城市流动少数民族人口的社会保障权及其实现   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1       下载免费PDF全文
王莹 《民族学刊》2011,2(1):59-65,86-87
大杂居、小聚居的民族分布特点,从宏观上决定我国是一个民族杂居的大家庭。目前少数民族已遍布全国98%以上的县市,特别是对于一些大中城市,其区位优势、较快的经济发展都对少数民族流动人口具有巨大的吸引力。然而当少数民族流动人口从西部边疆和中部山区进入城市之后,失业保险、医疗保险、工伤保险、社会福利、社会优抚等社会保障权利常常得不到实现。造成这种状况的原因是多方面的,但思想观念和体制上的因素不容忽视,本文在对这些原因进行分析的基础上,提出了促进城市流动少数民族人口社会保障权实现的构想。  相似文献   

17.
市场经济条件下,在民族村寨保护与发展过程中充分挖掘本民族在生存发展中创造的地方性知识,创造有民族特色的保护手段和模式具有重要意义.我国台湾地区山美村经验是要重视本民族传统知识的挖掘与应用、保障村民充分享受保护与发展利益、加强民族内部团结并谨慎引入商业财团.  相似文献   

18.
王允武  才让旺秀 《民族学刊》2016,7(5):35-43,107-108
Under the situation that traditional beliefs have remained basically unchanged while the social economy has developed and population mobility has increased, with the trend of an in-creasing diversity in beliefs, and an increasing number of religious followers and temples, the management of religious affairs has become more difficult. In ethnic areas, the speed of moderniza-tion has accelerated, ethnic interactions are fre-quent, and the beneficial conflict or cultural con-flict among various ethnic groups has become nor-mal; the impact of modernity, ways of life, the value and ideals of the temples’ traditional culture and educational model brings new social pressure for the monks who are adapting to modernization, and making a leap in development while safeguard-ing traditional rituals, culture, religious education and development. The number of criminal cases involving monks has increased, which brings a strong negative influence to the religious followers in Tibetan areas. All these factors are directly in-fluencing the stability and harmonious development of the Tibetan areas. As the second-largest Tibetan area, the geo-graphical location of Sichuan’s Tibetan areas is u-nique. In ancient times, the policy of “keeping the Tibetan areas stable means keeping Kham sta-ble at first” had been an important measure for the central government to manage all of the Tibetan ar-eas. From the Qing dynasty to the present times, it still has a practical use, and even has special val-ue in the process of safeguarding the “long-term stability of Sichuan”, especially when the people have but a hazy understanding of the relationship between the freedom of faith and managing reli-gious affairs according to the law in Tibetan areas, and one needs to have a legal response to it. Hence, “keeping Kham stable” needs to depend on the law, and legal means should be taken to safeguard the harmony and stability of the Tibetan areas in Sichuan. Management of the religious affairs according to the law is an inevitable requirement for China to promote the goal of ruling the country by law, com-prehensively deepen reform, and promote the mod-ernization of the country’s governance system and capability. Based on an active response to the guidance principle of strengthening the manage-ment of religious affairs according to the law pro-posed by the Central Government, and the Sichuan Provincial Government, we should standardize reli-gious activities and affairs, insist on a combination of legal management and policy guidance, adopt various measures, search for a practicable path to realize the significant goal of managing the religious affairs according to the law in Tibetan areas of Si-chuan. This article proposes some methods of man-aging the religious affairs according to the law as follows:1 ) To insist on the CPC’s leadership in reli-gious work and management of religious affairs;2 ) to actively and reliably promote the systematic con-
struction of the legalization of religious affairs;3 ) to insist on the combination of legal management and policy guidance;4 ) to encourage the public to manage religious affairs according to law; 5 ) to standardize the scale and number of monks by u-sing new methods of management;6 ) to strengthen the role of the “four troops” ( Party and Govern-ment leading cadres,ethnic religious work cadres, ethnic minority cadres and talents, and religious believers ) , especially religious believers; 7 ) to make full use of the regulatory framework of the Buddhist community; 8 ) to create conditions for those monks who wish to return to secular life;9 ) to distinguish the boundary between normal and il-legal religious activities, between folk custom and extreme religious concepts; 10 ) to identify and distinguish between “monks and lay people”, and“ordinary cases and religious cases”. At present, there are four foundations for managing religious affairs according to the law:1 ) the idea that freedom of faith is not only one’s right, but also one’s duty has gradually enjoyed popular support;2 ) there is a good policy base for managing religious affairs according to the law;3 ) there is a relatively strong theoretical basis for managing religious affairs according to the law;4 ) there exists good legal support for managing reli-gious affairs according to the law.  相似文献   

19.
Following overland and maritime trade routes, early Muslims reached China within a century after the Prophet Muhammad (570–632) lived, when the Chinese and Islamic empires were the superpowers of their day, engaging each other in instances of both competition and collaboration: military, economic and diplomatic. Exchanges between China and the Islamic world have produced significant technological and cultural developments, and set the stage for ongoing relations between the two civilizations that helped shape world history and continue to influence global affairs today. The arrival of Islam more than 1200 years ago also resulted in a sizeable Muslim minority population in China, who play an important role between the two civilizations: sometimes as cultural intermediaries, sometimes as political pawns. The following is an overview of the history of Chinese–Islamic relations, including historical and contemporary involvement by China’s internal Muslim populations, with a survey of connections between China and several Muslim countries.  相似文献   

20.
黄雪垠 《民族学刊》2016,7(3):54-61,115-118
China is a multi-ethnic country. From the wuzu gonghe ( Five nationalities under one union ) in the early Republic of China to the current union of 56 ethnic groups, the participation of ethnic minorities in political affairs has always been a vital and important factor for the develop-ment of China’s democratic politics. On one hand, the Nanjing National Government was dedicated to the model of a“civil identification” and weakening ethnic characteristics. On the other hand, due to the immense pressure from the resistance of the Japanese invasion and the increase of minority representatives’ appeals, they had to gradually al-low some ethnic elites, as ethnic minority repre-sentatives, to participate in the national affairs so that they could acquire more political identity. Al-though the government of the Republic of China claimed “Five nationalities under one union” as well as declaring many times to guarantee extensive and orderly ethnic minority participation in national affairs, by analyzing cases of elections in the state council agencies during the period of Nanjing na-tional government, not all the promises were imple-mented. I. The general situation of the elections for ethnic minority representatives in the state council agencies. In the National Conference in 1931 , only Mongolia and Tibet were allowed to organize their own elections and send their own ethnic representa-tives. Among the total of 520 national conference representatives, Mongolian representatives accoun-ted for 12 , and Tibetans accounted for 10 . The National Political Council, which also known as“the Congress during war”, was founded on July 6 , 1938 , and was abolished on March 28 , 1948 . It lasted for 9 years and held conferences a total of 4 times. In all the 4 conferences, 10 people were elected as participants to represent Tibet to discuss political affairs, and 18 people were elected as participants representing Mongolia. However, al-though other minorities were not regarded as elec-ted units, yet still some outstanding personages from these ethnic minorities were recommended by their provinces or other political organs as partici-pants to discuss national political affairs. In the National Assembly held on November 15 , 1946 , each of the following provinces, including Yun-nan, Guizhou, Xikang, Sichuan, Guangxi and Hunan, were allowed to send ten people who re-presented their local ethnic minorities to discuss political affairs. In the National Assembly held in March of 1948 , not only the numbers of ethnic mi-norities increased, but also the way of electing them was improved. II. An analysis of the election conditions of the ethnic minority representatives in the national state agencies. 1 . Although the numbers of ethnic minority representatives increased, nevertheless, the pro-portion of them did not. During 18 years ( 1931-1948 ) , the number of the ethnic minority repre-sentatives increased from the initial 22 to 147 . However, the proportion of them only increased by 0. 7%, which was not so remarkable. 2 . The structure of the ethnic minority repre-sentatives was complicated, but most came from the “upper classes”. In the year of 1931 , there were only 6 representatives for the state conference from both Mongolia and Tibet. By the year 1948, there were 148 ethnic minority representatives coming from Mongolian, Tibetan, Hui, Manchu, Miao, Yi, and, so on, ethnic groups. As a result, the structure of ethnic representation was more complex as the numbers increased during the peri-od of Nanjing National Government. Many repre-sentatives were elected by the selection method, and most of them came from the upper classes. Therefore, structurally, representatives from the bottom rung of society who deeply understood the sufferings of ethnic people, were lacking. 3 . The regional characteristics of the ethnic minorities were weakened and the ethnic character-istics were strengthened. With regard to the elec-tion of representatives for the National Conference held in 1931, in consideration of regional politics, only Tibet and Mongolia were chosen as election u-nits which could hold their own elections. When the National Political Council was held in 1938 , the situation had not changed. Many provinces, for example, Xinjiang, and Ningxia, and many south-western provinces, which were home to many eth-nic minority people, could only select their repre-sentatives through elections held either by organiza-tionsor elections on the provincial or municipal lev-el. It was not until the victory of the war against Japan, that the National government acknowledged the particular characteristics of the southwestern ethnic minorities. It was only at the time of the e-lection for the representatives for the National As-sembly, that the Manchu and Hui achieved the right to hold their own election separately. III. “Five nationalities under one union” or“Single nation state”? Although the Nanjing National Government claimed “Five nationalities under one union” and asserted to the public that all the nationalities were equal, Sun Yat-sen and Chiang Kai-shek were hopeful of building a country which promoted the situation of a “single nation state”. Their ethnic policies embraced the hope of the national govern-ment, i. e. to replace“ethnic identity” with“state identity”. In fact, with the awakening of ethnic consciousness in modern times, it was obvious that the idea that 400 million of people came from the same nationalities was only the government’s view. During that time, although the political status of a few ethnic minorities was acknowledged by the gov-ernment and the number of the ethnic minority rep-resentatives increased, the change was not promo-ted by the national government on its own accord. First of all, because of the pressure from the resist-ance to the Japanese invasion, all the social clas-ses needed to unify. In addition, many ethnic elites tried their best to gain the opportunity to par-ticipate in national affairs. What’s more, the eth-nic policies in those regions governed by the Com-munist Party were also one of the influential fac-tors. From the National Conference to the National Assembly, the criteria for holding elections were still only acquired by the Mongols, Tibetans, Hui, Manchus and the ethnic minorities in the southeast-ern border areas. All in all, it was an unequal way for ethnic minority representatives to participate in national affairs. Objectively, the ideal of a “Single Nation state” which was pursued by the nationalists was not suitable for China’s situation. Instead, it might be the cause of ethnic conflicts. China has a vast territory with uneven economic development. The transportation, economy and education in the re-gions where ethnic minorities live were mostly un-developed. As a result, it was difficult for the eth-nic minorities to win when they campaigned with the inner regions which held many resources. Fur-thermore, although a few of the ethnic minorities were gradually granted the status of political sub-ject by the Nanjing National Government, this process lacked efficiency. A large group of the ci-vilians belonging to ethnic minorities had trouble approaching state identification while, moreover, their own ethnic identification was not acknowl-edged by the government. Therefore, the ethnic minority region naturally found it difficult to identi-fy with the rule of the national government.  相似文献   

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