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1.
作者对云南哀牢山区赫查莫村及其周边彝族尼苏人的疾病观念和传统疗法做了人类学田野调查,认为尼苏人在传统上倾向于把疾病分为两类:一类是需要通过宗教仪式加以治疗的,另一类是需要通过服药加以治疗的。作者认为,在社区医疗事业不断发展和农村医疗保险制度逐渐完善的今天,尼苏人的疾病观念和传统治疗法仍发挥着较大的作用,彝族社区中的常见病和多发病多是靠传统方法治疗的。彝族人对于传统方法的认同不能被简单地归因于经济困难,它是与彝族的传统信仰和知识体系密切联系在一起的。  相似文献   

2.
火把节,是云南彝族、白族、纳西族、傈僳族、拉祜族、普米族等少数民族的共同节日,古代又称其为“星回节”。关于它的起源,各民族说法不同:彝族是为除虫害、庆丰收;彝族支系撒尼人则是为庆贺撤尼英雄用羊角火烧死欺压撒尼人的魔王;白族是为纪念白  相似文献   

3.
民间口头叙事是一个群体在特定历史情境下所建构的一种历史记忆与历史表述.它是群体对所记忆的历史事实的理解和阐释,是为强化群体认同和巩固群体凝聚而进行的策略性表达.本文通过对一个彝族撒尼村寨世代相传的地方性传说的文本分析,揭示了月湖村人对本村寨历史的集体记忆和革根阐释,进而说明"小地方"的口述吏不仅隐藏着"大社会"的宏大历史叙事,而且表达了村寨共同体以及家族力量时村寨象征性资源的争夺与平衡.  相似文献   

4.
彝族文化的传播,在本质上就是一种信息的传播活动,这就离不开传播的几种形式。本文从传播学的角度对彝族文化传播进行研究,并对其传播形式进行分析,认为彝族文化可以通过人际传播、群体传播和大众传播三种形式完成文化传播的过程。  相似文献   

5.
峨边——彝语称“佳支依达”,的汉语意思就是“丝绸的故乡”。在彝族中广泛流传的创世史诗《勒俄特依》中的《兹住地》中说:“佳支依达是个物产丰富,彝汉和睦相处,民族团结的好地方”。传说中的彝族英雄支格阿龙,修造地球到了椅子亚口时听到了母亲死亡的消息,一气之下把修造地球的棒锤丢向“佳支依达”,“佳支依达”便成了一条沟。“佳支依达”是英雄支格阿龙磨练的地方;是美女甘嫫阿妞生长的地方;是人杰地灵,民族团结,物产丰富的好地方。这里居住的彝族人用彝族最平凡、最朴实的口耳相传的方式一代一代的继承和弘扬着彝族优秀的传统文化,形…  相似文献   

6.
在中华民族服饰文化中,彝族是资源最为富庶、多样性、原生态性最为鲜明的民族之一;彝族服饰文化具有厚重的历史价值、独特的艺术价值和珍贵的科学价值,是彝族先民留给人们的宝贵财富,也是努力传诸后代的珍贵文化遗产;充分运用数字化技术手段,在实体博物馆———昭觉彝族服饰文化博物馆的基础上,进一步调查、挖掘、征集、研究和整合全国各地彝族服饰文化资源,建设中国彝族服饰数字博物馆,必将为彝族服饰文化的展示宣传、保护研究、开发利用和传承发展开辟一条更加实用、便捷和高效的途径。  相似文献   

7.
在彝族地区推行社区矫正,离不开传统法文化等本土社会资源的影响。彝族传统法文化包含彝族习惯法、家支血缘制度和毕摩文化等内容,社区矫正理念与彝族传统道德价值观和家支群体意识存在一定的交融性。如果能充分挖掘传统法文化中的合理内核,将有助于提高矫正效果,为彝族地区的犯罪矫正提供多元化路径。  相似文献   

8.
马林英 《民族学刊》2017,8(4):22-27,99-101
凉山彝族受祖先信仰观念影响,不仅强调世俗与神圣层面的性别角色分层,还重视阴阳两界的性别地位差异.本文梳理、诠释彝族女性主导日常生活、享有特殊权限和专有性别教材,以及女性灵魂的依附形式、归属转移、葬礼实质等文化事项,呈现了在世俗生活的日常事务领域,女性主导的日常杂事具有相对随便、量大琐碎和可以改变的性质,而在神圣生活层面的属灵事务领域她们依附父系或夫系的男性事务领域却往往具有超自然、异乎寻常、牢不可破、秩序功能、永恒特质和与祖界家园发生联系的特质.彝族父系制社会中的两性关系始终表现为主导与依附并存态势,唯具体内容、数量、程度等存有差异.  相似文献   

9.
在民族学研究中,宗族的民族性特征及其在村民自治中的表达一直未受到足够的重视.本文通过对捞车土家族村和摩哈苴彝族村的田野调查研究,指出某些少数民族在宗族观念上与汉族存在很大的差异汉族对宗族血亲关系高度重视,而某些少数民族对此却相对轻视.土家族是将已故地域性领袖土王当做共同的族祖神进行供奉与崇拜,彝族则是将图腾植物当做祖先进行供奉与崇拜.宗族的这些民族性特征在村民自治中或表现为对地缘政治领袖群体的认同,或表现为对村民自治权力竞争的集体无意识.  相似文献   

10.
有关人类再生产和父母与子女间本体自然传递的民俗理论为人类亲属制度的调查研究提供了一个有用的开端。作为关于亲属关系概念的可信概括和人类行为的现实反映以及对社会活动的指南,这种民俗理论是经得起检验的。本文所述关于尼泊尔西北部一个操藏语的群体尼巴人(Nyinba)所信奉的生殖和父母——子女间关系的观念,以及他们用这种观念解释亲属关系的道理,具有特殊的社会意义。因为它为父子间互敬和继嗣关系  相似文献   

11.
马林英 《民族学刊》2013,4(6):49-55,109-111
中国人民解放军成都军区彝民团从建团到全部使命的完成,走过了一条34年可歌可泣的发展道路,为凉山人民彻底翻身解放和推动凉山经济发展,谱写了无可替代且永不磨灭的历史篇章。然而,由于种种原因,这段军民传奇历史却一直只存留于民间记忆,或散载于州内内部资料而未曾专门公开发表或出版,而鲜为公众所知晓。本文主要在参考梁文英、毛均茹、李仕安和中国科学院等所著文本资料基础上,首次论述彝民团的建立过程及其为推动凉山彝族地区民族工作发展做出巨大贡献。在彝民团发展的岁月里,它经历了扩编和最终撤销的历程,所留下的宝贵经验,为我们探索今后军队与民族工作关系模式提供了重要依据。  相似文献   

12.
陈然 《民族学刊》2016,7(6):61-64,113-114
Being one of the most ancient eth-nic groups in China, the ‘Yi’ have a long history and an abundant culture. Yi folk songs, which are widely sung in many regions of China, have vari-ous forms and styles. These folk songs reflect the lengthy history of the Yi society; indeed they ex-press the happiness and misery, the dreams and desires of the Yi people. Within this context, this article focuses on‘Qugu’ which is a unique type of music belonging to the Yi people. In fact most Yi people of Guizhou live in the Wumeng Mountains. In their quest for survival, over time the Yi had developed a series of natural worship rites which became one of the sources of their traditional mu-sic. In addition, Yi people formed a unique way to express their love: in times past they developed a tradition of singing in the mountains and forests as to convey their love to their beloved;the‘Qugu’ is one of these Yi’ s traditional love song genres.‘Qugu’ means ‘singing’ and this genre has its own social functioning. According to traditional Yi culture and habits, a ‘Qugu ’ should not be sung in front of parents, brothers, or other rela-tives;instead it should only be sung in a place sur-rounded by mountains and forests and on certain singing sites, called ‘Guji’(in Yi language). In most of the Yi settlements, such ‘singing sites ’ were placed far away from the villages, sometimes on flat areas and sometimes in the remote wilder-ness, in forests or caves. The singing activities on those special sites took place according to specific rules and calen-dars. During the so-called ‘singing festival’ peri-od ( from the 1 st to the 15 th day of the 1 st lunar month and on the 5th day of the 5th lunar month), the singing performances were particularly magnifi-cent. People of all ages, young and old, would gather together from all directions and would sing without interruption for several days. Moreover , the singing festival also had certain traditional rites ( ceremonies ) . For example, at the very beginning, certain clan elders or prestig-ious singers would offer wine and water to the‘heavens and earth ’ . After this offering, ‘the soul of the song’ was invited. The Yi people tradi-tionally worship nature and believe in animism, so indeed a ‘Qugu’ also has its own ‘soul’ . There-fore, when the singing festival would commence, they would invite the ‘soul of the song’ to come;this custom is called ‘Guyexi’ in the Yi language. The nextritual would be the ‘Guyidai ’ ( in Yi) , which means‘the settling down of the soul of the song’ at the particular singing site. There are lyrics like:‘If there is no settling down of the soul of the song, then when the next spring comes the sil-ver flowers will sever their roots, the golden flowers will sever their roots, and the singing sites cannot be set up ’ . After the settling down of the soul of the song, the next ceremony would be the ‘Gukoupu’ ( in Yi) or ‘opening of the mouth of the song ’:this basically means the ‘opening of the door of love’ and also indicates the formal beginning of‘Qugu’ activity. All of this shows indeed that the rite of‘Qugu’ is not as solemn as other rites, as in fact the lyrics of ‘Qugu ’ are mostly about love af-fairs and romance. When the‘Gukoupu’ ends, the young people can start to freely sing. There are indeed lyrics like: ‘Three young chaps brought three axes and went into three directions of the universe; they chopped three pine trees, sawed off three boards, made three chairs, and placed these facing three di-rections. They invited girls to take a seat; the girls sat down and sang. The girls invited the chaps to take a seat;the chaps sat down and sang’ . When this‘free singing’ begins, an ‘antiph-onal group singing’ starts at the singing site (‘Gu-ji ’ ); males and females take part in this and stand/sit separately as they all sing in antiphonal style. In the middle there is a ‘go-between ’ in charge of coordination, judging, and passing on information. The males and females sing and ob-serve back and forth. During this process, affec-tions may emerge between a certain male and fe-male. If indeed a guy or young lady takes a fancy to another person, he or she will ask the go-be-tween for help. If the counterpart gives a positive response, then the two will leave the group and go elsewhere to talk and sing. During this ‘antiphonal group-singing’ , each group can allow a certain ‘representative ’ to sing solo;this solo should not be a repeat of some song performed by someone from another group. The young males and females thus can each show off their voices by singing songs with free rhyme, sweet melodies, and serious or deep topics. It is easy to see that this ‘antiphonal group singing ’ provided a major means of romantic communication between young Yi men and women. In fact, the number of songs they could sing as well as the technique used in singing these significantly deter-mined one’ s ability to attract the opposite sex. As a consequence, both males and females were strongly committed to learn to sing, trying their best to master more and better songs. Through learning from their predecessors, they made an ef-fort to improve their singing abilities. As said, traditionally at the beginning of the singing festival, ‘the soul of the song’ would be invited; well, likewise at the end of the festival‘the soul of the song’ should be sent away again. The Yi people believed that if they would not send the soul of the song away, the young would be ob-sessed by affections all the time and even lose their minds. Finally, Guizhou Yi ’ s folk music-generally speaking-has a great variety in content, perform-ance locations, forms, and genres. Moreover, due to the regional differences music styles also vary geographically. All of this makes the multi-colored Yi music even more delightful and appealing. Unfortunately, the entire tradition ( ceremo-nies) of the‘Qugu’ as described above, no longer exists today. The singers who still know these pro-cedures are getting old and eventually will forget these rites. This is a big loss for the living tradition of the Yi culture, and it is a source of grief for those who study Yi culture, in China and abroad.  相似文献   

13.
从中国彝族的认同谈族体理论--与郝瑞(Stevan Harrell)教授商榷   总被引:18,自引:0,他引:18  
近来美国学者郝瑞以四川攀枝花几个彝族支系为例,对中国彝族的认同提出质疑,认为这不符合“族群”的概念,因此彝族的“聚拢”带有任意性。他还从“民族”与“族群”两个概念出发,认为中国并无“族群”概念。本文认为,彝族虽然支系众多,但历来即有认同,新中国的民族识别只是加强了彝族整体的认同性;“民族”与“族群”的概念确有差别,我国以往在翻译和使用上曾将其混用,造成误解,这一问题现已不存在;必须充分利用中国的民族志资料构建族体理论。  相似文献   

14.
马林英  张洁 《民族学刊》2012,3(3):60-67,103
当今世界,主流社会与边缘社会制度的共存与发展问题已经引起学界广泛关注。凉山彝族本土司法体系完备而灵活,至今依旧有效地发挥着秩序规范运行的功能,其中本土刑法制度尤其如此。当下,在乡村彝人的心目中,本土司法依然具有根深蒂固的存在空间和坚实基础。不少彝族民众对本土司法的熟悉和依赖程度,在某些领域远远大于国家法,国家司法、执法机关在当地的适用和执行一直有限。本文采用田野调查、文献检索、综合分析、比较论证等方法专门针对彝族本土刑法与国家刑法在实体法的条款规定、程序操作、刑罚与赔偿等方面作了深入对比与分析,以期寻求展现当地处理刑事案件的最佳本土模式或有效经验,从而为促进凉山彝区民族法治建设提供切实可行的参考依据。  相似文献   

15.
民国时期以来,在甘孜藏族自治州的泸定县存在着一个没有黑彝奴隶主阶级的"独立白彝"民系。值得探究的是为什么在凉山的边缘地区会出现这样一个特殊的群体呢?本文从他们迁来的原因,生存环境以及等级情况等方面进行了探讨与分析。  相似文献   

16.
《那坡彝族开路经》是广西那坡彝族宗教典籍的一种,是一部反映彝族古代社会生活的史诗。《开路经》在历史进程中将那坡彝族自强不息、团结友善、乐观向上的精神特质全面吸纳,又以庄谐统一的故事性内容,文白相生的表现手法和音乐性的展演形式实践着对百姓艺术性的引导和教化,在审美化的宗教文学氛围里,《开路经》实现了慰藉亡灵、教化世人、凝聚族群等文化功能,诠释着那坡彝族追求乐生的美学品质。  相似文献   

17.
本文以前学对宗教经验的研究为出发点,结合凉山具体案例,从宗教经验产生的基础、获得途径、特征三方面对凉山彝族宗教经验进行了初步探讨。笔者认为,凉山彝族的宗教经验以当地彝族宗教观为基础,以参加宗教仪式为主要获得途径,具有其自身特点。  相似文献   

18.
罗曲 《民族学刊》2014,5(1):23-27,102-103
人类与自然的关系问题,既是一个古老的课题,也是一个崭新的课题。就彝族而言,在与自然的关系中自古就有保护自然生态的习俗。这些习俗现从某些种角度看似乎是落后的"迷信",但在特定的语境下却能发挥应有的作用。随着社会的发展,现在的环保固然要引进新的机制和科学的方法,使之形成一种综合的文化软实力,在彝区的生态环保中发挥积极的作用  相似文献   

19.
徐铭 《民族学刊》2014,5(2):46-52,120-121
本文旨在引用学人的民族学资料和凉山彝族人的“尔比尔吉”(格言),检讨“死给”与依赖心理的关系。凉山彝族人结构性的高“死给”(自杀)率与社会盛行的依赖家支(家族)心理相关联。其次,在凉山社会彝人已习惯于靠自己、家人与家支的帮助以求自保的生活方式。第三,凉山社会拥有自己的习惯法,默认“死给”的合理性。第四,男子(含女性)气概、勇气与肢体攻击的“粗狂”荣誉概念持续于彝族社会,并被视为正面价值。这些无疑助长了“死给”文化,可能也是凉山现代社会形成过程中无力的一个表征。  相似文献   

20.
张原 《民族学刊》2012,3(5):37-51,92-93
抗日战争时期,岭光电作为一个兼有彝区土司和军政职务的彝族精英,其《倮情论述》一书所陈述的彝区的边务实践与民情风俗,展现了在国族政治抱负下,彝区精英如何对彝人历史、社会、文化之图景进行重新的组织与呈现。在民族国家的语境下,他的论述获得了时代意义:即让西南边地的人民与现代中国的国家化进程接轨,从而在使国家更为完整的同时,也让边民获得其民族地位与国民权益。岭光电所具备的时代穿透性和空间跨越性,也使得他的边务实践和民情叙述充满了一种宝贵的韧性和灵活性,而这些正是当代社会科学研究所缺乏的。  相似文献   

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