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1.
中俄战略协作伙伴关系的特点和前景秦相源张颖中俄两国建立和发展“平等信任的、面向21世纪的战略协作伙伴关系”,是两国关系史上的重要事件,也是世界格局向多极化演进过程中的重要事件,因而受到国际社会和各个方面的广泛关注。本文拟对中俄两国战略协作伙伴关系的主...  相似文献   

2.
2008年2月25~29日,中国当代世界研究中心与俄罗斯“统一基金会”在莫斯科共同举办了主题为“俄罗斯与中国发展前景及战略协作伙伴关系的未来”的研讨会。会议分为5个讨论单元:“中俄两国的发展模式”、“中俄两国的经济改革”、“中俄两国的政治发展”、“中俄两国对外政策和中  相似文献   

3.
中国社会科学院翻译的<普京文集(2002~2008)>中文版正式出版发行了.这是中俄人文交流的又一重要成果. 进入新世纪,中俄战略协作伙伴关系全面深入发展,取得了丰硕成果,给两国和两国人民带来了实实在在的利益,为地区和世界的和平、稳定与发展作出了积极贡献.中俄双方要进一步携起手来,深化睦邻友好,加强相互支持,扩大务实合作,密切战略协作,不断夯实两国关系的基础,把中俄战略协作伙伴关系推上更高水平,为推动和建设持久和平、共同繁荣的和谐世界,造福两国人民和世界人民作出更大贡献.  相似文献   

4.
普京出任俄罗斯总统后中俄经济合作关系将如何发展 ,这是一个备受人们关注的重要问题。本文从一个新的角度提出并界定了后叶利钦时代的概念 ,认为中俄经济合作关系将按照叶利钦在位时两国共同确定的基本方针和总体方向继续发展。以此为前提 ,提出要重新认识和重新构筑中俄新型经济合作关系 ,努力实现三个转变 ,即重新审视中俄经济合作中的若干问题 ,实现认识上的转变 ;重新定位中俄经济合作关系 ,实现战略和策略上的转变 ;重新理顺对俄经济合作思路 ,实现政策上的转变。文中还提出了中俄加强区域经济合作 ,联手开发中国西部地区的战略构想。  相似文献   

5.
俄罗斯的东南亚政策源自前苏联时代.冷战后,随着国际政治格局的演变以及俄罗斯对外战略的调整,其东南亚政策发生了很大转变.俄罗斯开始主动向东南亚地区“靠拢”,加强与东南亚各国的联系,力图恢复在该地区的影响力,重振俄罗斯大国声威.本文认为,俄罗斯东南亚政策的实施,使中俄两国在南海问题上难免发生利益冲突,但对于中国而言,应该将其置于中俄总体关系大局下考虑,通过不断深化双边合作加以解决.  相似文献   

6.
近年来,中日关系的不稳定引发俄日、中俄关系的变化。本文通过对中俄日三角关系及其相互影响规律的研究,认为日本加强与俄罗斯的合作有着多层的战略考虑,其基本意图是满足国内经济需求,改善日俄关系,平衡中国的崛起。从长远来看,日本虽极力拉拢俄罗斯,但对中俄两国合作产生的负面作用有限,中俄关系的发展前景更为乐观。在中俄战略协作伙伴关系不断加强的趋势下,中俄日三角关系的互动始终呈现两边长、一边短的状态,这与日本和美国建立、发展紧密的同盟关系,从而对中俄两国构成直接的安全威胁有关。受中俄日三角关系特点的制约,东北亚地区的多边合作很难展开。  相似文献   

7.
2006年6月19日,中俄社会科学论坛在北京举行。中俄社会科学论坛由中国社会科学院和俄罗斯科学院共同主办。论坛作为中国“俄罗斯年”活动的一项重要内容,是近年来中俄社会科学界举行的规格最高、范围最广、影响最大的一次双边会议。中俄社会科学界知名专家学者130余人参加了会议。论坛旨在推动中俄社会科学界的交流,进一步拓展交流领域,提升交流层次,深化与俄罗斯科学界的合作交流关系。同时,论坛也为中、俄学者共同探讨两国经济和社会发展及双边关系中的重要问题提供平台,增进双方的相互沟通与理解,为促进中俄全面战略协作伙伴关系的发展作…  相似文献   

8.
在经济全球化的背景下,加强农业国际合作已经成为各国农业政策体系中的重要内容之一.文章通过对中俄两国农业合作现状的分析,明晰了双方的主要合作领域、合作方式及合作水平,分析了在中俄农业合作中政府政策存在的主要问题,并有针对性地提出了政府应加强对中俄农业合作的政策支持,完善农业科技合作、农业劳务和资金合作政策以及调整中俄农产品贸易合作政策等促进中俄农业合作的政府政策措施.  相似文献   

9.
中俄两国都是幅员辽阔的转轨经济国家,两国国内区域经济发展差距巨大,需要制定区域经济发展政策加以宏观调控.中国区域政策的核心是缩小区域差距这一经济目标,而俄罗斯区域政策的核心是维护国家统一这一政治目标.因此,中国中央政府与地方政府之间的管理模式是分权模式,而俄罗斯则采取了集权管理模式.两国不同的选择基于基本国情的差异.  相似文献   

10.
聂明珠 《学术交流》2012,(6):114-117
目前,在中俄服务贸易合作过程中,存在诸如俄罗斯服务贸易进出口领域较集中、双方合作规模较小、受俄罗斯的社会治安影响等问题。同时在服务贸易领域,中俄两国合作存在政策推进、地缘优势、政治互信优势、强大的市场需求等广泛的基础。中俄服务贸易合作存在较大潜力。因此,建议在能源输送、物流、旅游、信息技术、金融、建筑等方面积极开展合作,以促进两国服务贸易的发展。  相似文献   

11.
This article examines social policy reforms in East Asia and whether the welfare states in the region became more inclusive in terms of social protection while maintaining their developmental credentials. It draws on findings from the United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD) project on social policy in East Asia, covering China, Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of China, Japan, Malaysia, the Republic of Korea, Singapore, Taiwan Province of China, and Thailand. It shows that East Asian economies responded differently to the crisis in terms of welfare reform. While Singapore and Hong Kong maintained the basic structure of the selective developmental welfare state, Korea, Taiwan, and, to a lesser extent, Thailand implemented social policy reforms toward a more inclusive one. Despite such different responses, policy changes are explained by the proposition of the developmental welfare state: the instrumentality of social policy for economic development and realization of policy changes through democratization (or the lack of it).  相似文献   

12.
南慧英 《求是学刊》2012,39(3):156-160
19世纪60-80年代,随着俄国积极吸引劳动力开发远东政策的推行,朝鲜移民数量逐年增加,其法律地位亟待确立.在19世纪下半叶东北亚各国利益角逐与权力制衡的背景下,俄国朝鲜移民的法律地位问题不仅关乎俄国自身大计,更牵涉了中朝利益.通过对解密的俄罗斯帝国对外政策档案及相关原始资料的分析,我们认为,中朝两国对俄国积极安置朝鲜移民政策进行了全力抵制,不仅影响了俄国境内朝鲜移民法律地位的形成,还阻止了俄国东北亚战略计划的实施.在中朝两国的反对下,俄国仅部分地确立了其境内朝鲜移民的合法地位,这大大限制了俄国远东地区的朝鲜劳动力数量,破坏了俄国利用朝鲜移民开发远东,并以此为契机渗入朝鲜、角逐东北亚的战略计划.  相似文献   

13.
韩国海洋战略是一项综合性、系统性的战略规划,其战略举措的提出与实施旨在推进海洋发展战略与安全战略,实现世界一流海洋强国的战略目标。作为中国的海上邻国,韩国海洋战略实施会对中国产生诸多影响。客观认识这些影响对制定我国海洋战略及其政策有着极为关键的作用,并有助于倡导海洋合作、建设和谐海洋的目标。  相似文献   

14.
Japan and the Republic of Korea achieved universal health insurance coverage for their populations in 1961 and 1989, respectively. At present, Japan continues to operate a multiple‐payer social health insurance system, while the Republic of Korea has moved to an integrated single‐payer national health insurance structure. This article analyzes the influence of political economy in shaping the policy divergence found between these two Bismarckian health insurance systems. Issues addressed include differences in political power, the policy influence of business, the extent to which regional autonomy has developed and regional traits have been preserved, the level of political democratization, the form of political leadership, and the scale of development of the health insurance system. The article offers policy lessons derived from the two countries' experiences.  相似文献   

15.
We ask about the development of childcare policies in Korea and what these mean for our understanding of the gender assumptions of Korean governments. Women's labour market participation has been increasing rapidly, with married women now much more likely to be in the labour market. The provision and regulation around support for women's employment, and especially for mothers’ employment, is a key issue and problem for Korean women and for governments. A number of policies give the impression that the Korean government is moving rapidly towards a policy for reconciling work and family based on a dual‐earner model of the family. But we argue that a close inspection of these policies suggests that the state is still playing a residual role, legislation is not effectively implemented, and government is giving way to the private sector and to the family in responsibility for childcare. Mothers’ accounts of their lives centre on a childcare war played out beneath the apparently harmonious Confucian surface, with resisting husbands supported by powerful mothers‐in‐law, and daily struggles over the management of services. The Korean government and its policy‐makers, far from moving rapidly towards a dual‐earner model of the family, are still rooted in Confucian ideals.  相似文献   

16.
There are a number of features that make South Korea an interesting place to study social policy. First, it has experienced rapid economic development with the associated changes in urbanization and demography. This change has created social problems, which the state has had to address. Second, the country retains a strong cultural tradition and repeated affirmation of the values and practices of Confucianism. In this paper, these two features are considered in relation to the way social policy has been addressed. The thrust of the paper will be on the policy responses to perceived social problems and the way in which other social problems are individualized within families. These policies are informed and shaped by Korean politics and culture.  相似文献   

17.
美国总统拜登上任以来,其对外战略正逐渐成形。拜登政府表示将以同盟关系为基础重建美国的领导力,在东北亚地区继续推进印太战略的实施。美国东北亚政策的调整与变化,被普遍认为战略指向明显,拜登政府将中国视为美国最严峻的竞争对手,将继续利用台湾问题对华进行战略牵制,中美关系仍处于其东北亚政策调整的核心。拜登政府将巩固与日本的盟友关系,这一倾向也得到了菅义伟政权的积极回应。朝鲜半岛问题的走向尚未明朗,缺乏沟通和协作的氛围。受制于国内因素的影响,拜登政府对外修复盟友关系、布局战略重组并非易事。鉴于美国在东北亚的政策调整,中国必须正视可能出现的问题,这不仅直接关系到“一带一路”倡议在这一地区的推进,而且对于中国周边安全稳定也至关重要,中国要积极做好应对。  相似文献   

18.
This paper asks why South Korea’s relations with Japan is so vulnerable to disputes over history in the post-Cold War period. It argues that South Korea’s identities vis-à-vis Japan and North Korea respectively conflict with each other and leads to inconsistent policy towards Japan that hovers between cooperation and discord. By analyzing South Korea’s relations with Japan as well as its policies and behavior in the post-Cold War period, this paper aims to show how identity factor affects a state’s foreign policy and behavior towards other states. In doing so, it questions the rationality assumption of state behavior in IR and offers alternative explanations on how to better understand “emotional” foreign policies.  相似文献   

19.
This article compares state policies to support childcare in Japan, South Korea and Taiwan, using fuzzy set ideal type analysis to determine the nature of institutional arrangements with respect to labour, money and time provisions. We then note their implications for familialization and defamilialization in the three countries. Our analysis suggests a common pattern towards the increased use of financial support amongst the three countries over time; however, this commonality does not mean their childcare policies are converging, as the financial supports differ in focus, with Japan concentrating on familialization by valuing family care, and Korea exclusively employing policy to facilitate the use of market‐based care services. For its part, Taiwan has been strengthening familialization by increasing the leave compensation to value time off to provide care. The different labour, money and time dimensions vis‐à‐vis the familialization/defamilialization matrix suggest varying implications of institutional arrangements for gender.  相似文献   

20.
There is growing interest in adopting basic income as a new social protection policy in many countries. South Korea is no exception. There have been heated discussions on the benefits and costs of adopting basic income as a universal income support program among policy makers and academics in South Korea. However, one of the problems in the discourse of basic income discussion in South Korea has been a lack of clear definition of basic income. In this study, we develop a basic income fidelity index (BIFI) that can be applied to basic income programs to show how fully a program fits to the basic income concept. Such an index can be useful in making the terminologies and concepts of basic income clearer. We test feasibility of BIFI by applying it to four different case examples of basic income; Alaska Permanent Fund, UK Child Trust Fund, Switzerland’s Basic Income Plan, and Finland’s Basic Income Experiment. We show BIFI can be a useful tool to differentiate various types of basic income. It can be also used to identify strengths and weaknesses of a basic income scheme.  相似文献   

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