Between Poor Relief and Human Capital Investments – Paradoxes in Hybrid Social Assistance

Conditional cash transfers (CCTs) are often being promoted for their simultaneous advantages of short‐term income protection and long‐term human capital investments. Yet, existing evaluations have largely failed to test the underlying programme theory, and few empirical case studies have explored inherent contradictions and ambiguous consequences of this hybrid approach. To further understand the programmes' social policy implications, this study identifies and analyzes such ambiguities and paradoxical consequences in the case of Uruguay's CCT‐programme, Asignaciones Familiares (AFAM). Drawing on qualitative data from interviews with beneficiaries and members of the commission who designed the programme, this study reveals major paradoxes in AFAM's design and implementation caused by various endogenous factors. Relevant to social policy in general, and CCT‐evaluations in particular, findings also indicate that the hybrid social assistance approach may have perverse effects on the programme's twin objectives.     

Mothers at the Service of the New Poverty Agenda: Progresa/Oportunidades, Mexico's Conditional Transfer Programme

This article considers some of the changes and continuities in social protection in Latin America through a focus on the ways in which motherhood is positioned as key to the success of the new anti‐poverty programmes that have followed structural reform. It examines a flagship cash transfer programme known as Progresa/Oportunidades (Opportunities) established in Mexico in 1997 and now being widely adopted in the region. Characterized by some commentators as a quintessentially neo‐liberal programme, it is argued that Oportunidades represents a novel combination of earlier maternalist social policy approaches with the conditional, co‐responsibility models associated with the recent approaches to social welfare and poverty relief endorsed by international policy actors. In the first section, the gendered assumptions that have governed Latin American social policy are described; the second outlines social policy provision in Latin America and identifies the key elements of the new approaches to poverty; and the third critically examines the broader implications of the Mexican programme's selective and gendered construction of social need premised, as it is, on re‐traditionalizing gendered roles and responsibilities.     

Convergence of family policy across welfare regimes (1990 to 2010): Different connotations of family policy expansion

Using multiple indices of family policy efforts – work/family reconciliation, gender equality and income protection, this study offers a nuanced understanding of family policy expansion in 14 OECD countries across three welfare regimes from 1990 to 2010. Findings suggest an overall convergence of family policies, particularly in gender equality and work/family reconciliation. Convergence has occurred simultaneously with distinctive family policy changes across welfare regimes. Conservative welfare states have experienced the most profound family policy alterations, shifting from a traditional gender model to one that encourages women's employment, but have, nevertheless, maintained policy efforts that sustain the traditional gender role. Despite an increase in their family policy efforts, liberal welfare states have continued to maintain minimal state action regarding family policy. Changes in social democratic welfare states have been less substantial, as they seem to continue to pursue a dual‐earner model with high degree of gender equality and work/family reconciliation.     

女领导的临界规模与组织性别歧视现象——基于第三期中国妇女社会地位调查数据的实证研究

本研究利用第三期中国妇女社会地位调查数据,从配额制的有效性问题出发,探讨组织领导团队中的女性比例与性别歧视现象之间的关系,对临界规模理论的假设,即团队里某一社会特征的人数达到一定比例将给该社会类别的境遇带来具有显著意义的改变进行了检验。研究发现,组织领导团队中的女性比例达到30%能够有效减少性别歧视现象,这种作用在政治、经济和研究领域以及体制内外组织中均存在,但有程度上的差异。此发现不仅从实证角度检验了临界规模理论,而且为在政策设计中增加领导团队中的女性比例提供了支持。     

Women's Organizations,Social Learning,and the Federal State: A Case Study of Canadian Pension Policy

The various ways which federalism influences gender policies has recently received a surge of academic interest. This article contributes to this literature by moving beyond formally adopted policies to study the influence of federalism on social learning amongst women's organizations. Using a most‐likely case study design, this exploratory work traces the policy positions held by women's organizations in Canada during a seven‐year period now known as the Great Pension Debate. Focusing on four empirical indicators of issue attention, participation in policy discussions, specificity of policy proposals, and consensus for reform, the findings suggest that the plurality and temporal proximity of successive policy venues – such as royal commissions and parliamentary committees – created by various governments offered women's organizations an optimum environment to engage in ongoing exchanges leading to the development, and greater specification, of policy positions.     

Civic Spaces: Mexican Hometown Associations and Immigrant Participation

The study of civic participation and social capital in the United States has, until recently, been silent on the role of immigrant-serving organizations. There is a new line of scholarship, which indicates that ethnic organizations are generally disadvantaged in relation to White mainstream organizations on factors such as resources and political visibility. Our fieldwork on Mexican hometown associations (HTAs) in Los Angeles shows that transnational associations are even more disadvantaged than ethnic organizations that primarily serve the native born. However, this marginality leaves some counterintuitive advantages, namely the creation of safe spaces where undocumented immigrants, recent immigrants, and those with limited English proficiency can get involved in civic and political activities. We explore the extent to which these dynamics vary by gender and immigrant generation, and over time as Mexican hometown associations increasingly turn their attention to political issues in the United States.     

Gender,work, and childcare in Kazakhstan,Mongolia, and Russia

The current study seeks to understand the nature of gender relations within a post‐Soviet welfare model in Kazakhstan, Mongolia, and Russia. On the basis of the analysis of key labour market indicators, parental leave, and childcare policies, it finds that the welfare models in the three countries are hybrid, and neither authoritarianism in Kazakhstan and Russia nor democracy in Mongolia lead to substantive gender equality outcomes. Persistent gender inequality in these countries is underpinned by the neo‐liberal approach to welfare provision, conservative social norms, and limited agency of civil society to influence the policy agenda. Nonetheless, these states have distributed to the population with an emphasis on working mothers, and this policy choice has been driven by economic, demographic, and political considerations, which ultimately serve to support, rather than transform, the patriarchal power structure in these societies.     

Predictors of Cambodian parents’ perceptions of corporal punishment

This cross‐sectional study was conducted to examine the predictors of parents’ positive perceptions of using corporal punishment on their children. We investigated whether there is a gender difference in the use of corporal punishment according to parents’ gender and socioeconomic variables and what factors predict Cambodian parents’ positive perceptions of the use of corporal punishment toward sons and daughters. Cambodian parents hold different views on raising boys versus girls. Younger parents with more children, limited education, low socioeconomic status, unemployed, living in rural areas, and parents who hold positive perceptions of spousal abuse of women were more likely to approve of the use of corporal punishment. Our results present implications for social work practice and policy, particularly in child welfare in Cambodia. Most importantly, in order to prevent the use of corporal punishment on children in the home, the government of Cambodia as well as domestic and international organizations need to make more active efforts to promote parenting education.     

The Changing Structure of Structural Assimilation: White‐Collar Mexican Ethnicity and the Significance of Ethnic Identity Professional Organizations*

Objective. This article examines the experience of ethnicity among third‐plus generation Mexican‐American professionals at the workplace and through participation in ethnic identity professional organizations. Methods. A total of 25 face‐to‐face interviews were conducted in the San Jose, California metro area. Interviewees were initially recruited from two ethnic identity professional organizations. Results. The predicted confluence of acculturation with structural assimilation is supported by the responses of Mexican‐American professionals who acknowledge the social pressure to conform to dominant culture expectations. However, changes in the structure of structural assimilation since 1965 related to the emergence of identity politics have meant integration into society's dominant institutions no longer requires the exchange of ethnic for professional identities. Conclusions. Ethnic identity professional organizations provide a key source of ethnic networking for Mexican‐American professionals who typically find themselves in work settings with low levels of minority representation.     

What's in a Name? ‘Work and Family’ or ‘Work and Life’ Balance Policies in the UK since 1997 and the Implications for the Pursuit of Gender Equality

Since 1997, Labour has developed a wide range of policies on childcare services, care leaves and flexible working hours. In 2000, the term ‘work‐life balance’ was introduced and has been used by Government Departments and by the academic community with very little discussion of its meaning vis à vis the use of ‘family‐friendly’ policies, or the promotion of ‘work and family balance’. We explore the introduction of the term work‐life balance, the reasons for it, and its significance at the policy level, especially in terms of its implications for the pursuit of gender equality. We find that at the policy level, its use was more a matter of strategic framing than substantive change. Nevertheless, because of the UK Government's largely gender‐neutral approach to the whole policy field, it is important to make explicit the tensions in the continuing use of the term work‐life balance, particularly in relation to the achievement of gender equality.     

Responsible pragmatism in Turkish social policy making in the face of Islamic egalitarianism and neoliberal austerity

Akan T. Responsible pragmatism in Turkish social policy making in the face of Islamic egalitarianism and neoliberal austerity Int J Soc Welfare 2011: 20: 367–380 © 2011 The Author(s), International Journal of Social Welfare © 2011 Blackwell Publishing Ltd and the International Journal of Social Welfare. Founded in August 2001, the Justice and Development Party of Turkey (JDP) has forged a brand new identity, the Conservative Democracy, and initiated challenging politico‐economic reforms since November 2002 when it came to power. Among these reforms, the social policies of the Conservative Democrats have intriguingly yielded mixed blessings of a strategic settlement between equality of outcome and opportunity. This article argues that such a result originated from the commodification by the Conservative Democrats of the Islamic egalitarianism of ‘the Just Order’, the politico‐economic programme to which the JDP's leaders were strictly committed before becoming the Conservative Democrats. Entitling the social policy strategy of JDP as ‘Responsible Pragmatism’, this article concludes that it was an unsustainable but flexible social policy strategy that has gone as far as it can, now, on the eve of the 2011 general elections.     

Assessing Cultural Assimilation of Mexican Americans: How Rapidly Do Their Gender‐Role Attitudes Converge to the U.S. Mainstream?*

Objective. This study assesses the pace of cultural assimilation of Mexican Americans by comparing changes in their gender‐role attitudes over generations to the European‐origin U.S. mainstream. Methods. Using cumulative data from the 1972–2004 General Social Survey, we examine the rate at which progressive generations of Mexican Americans approach the mainstream gender‐role attitudes. We also employ a set of logistic regressions to assess the differences in gender‐role attitudes between Mexican and European Americans. Results. For five out of the eight gender‐role‐related questions considered in the study, Mexican Americans of the third or later generations show more liberal or egalitarian gender‐role attitudes than those of the first or second generations. A comparison between Mexican and European Americans suggests that Mexican Americans in the sample have more conservative gender‐role attitudes than European Americans in terms of division of labor at home and women's participation in politics. Conclusion. Mexican Americans become more likely to adopt egalitarian gender‐role attitudes as generation progresses. The differences between Mexican and European Americans in terms of gender‐role attitudes are sensitive to the particular domains of attitudes under consideration.     

How Moroccan‐Dutch parents learn in communities of practice: Evaluating a bottom‐up parenting programme

Research shows that top‐down‐designed parenting programmes do not always meet the needs of postmigration parents. Bottom‐up programmes by migrant organizations hold a promise to fill this gap; however, research about these programmes and appropriate evaluation methodologies is scarce. Drawing upon Wenger's ( 2010 ) “communities of practice,” this paper explores an alternative perspective on parenting programme evaluation. Findings are presented from a study looking into social learning processes of postmigration parents who participated in a bottom‐up programme about raising teenagers in urban areas. Using an ethnographically inspired method combined with a preprogramme and postprogramme design, 115 Moroccan‐Dutch mothers and fathers from 15 programme groups participated. Results show that the programme provided a social learning space in which parents used themselves as resources to learn collectively about parenting. Moreover, parents consciously engaged in learning interactions across learning spaces stretched into their social networks. These analyses showed how parents' development of “learning citizenship” (Wenger, 2009 ) provides us with insight in collective learning dimensions present in a bottom‐up parenting programme, which is often not included in evaluation studies. Implications for practitioners as facilitators of parents' collective learning are presented.     

The Brazilian pension model: The pending agenda

To achieve national goals defined by the 1988 Brazilian Federal Constitution, cash benefits alone are insufficient in the absence of more robust social services to reduce inequalities and improve social cohesion. The Constitution, albeit of national importance and international significance, has not addressed many institutional and administrative weaknesses in the design of the national pension system. Although coverage has been increased and inequality reduced, these measures are not sufficient. Brazil's ambitions to further develop social policies (and, indeed, to live up to its accorded international status as a social policy leader) may be constrained by an over‐reliance on conditional cash transfers such as those provided under the Bolsa Família programme. Brazil faces a major political‐economy challenge in addressing all these issues because the policy reform process is difficult, and, more importantly, because of the embedded role of vested interests. Moreover, Brazil must tackle these issues in the face of growing fiscal pressures, which could weaken the current political legitimacy of social policy and undermine important recent successes.     

The Gender Dimension of Social Policy Reform in Turkey: Towards Equal Citizenship?

This article discusses the current social policy reform process in Turkey from a gender perspective. Until now, social security and labour regulations have provided women with special benefits and protections. Depending on the particular case, these gender‐specific policies can be interpreted differently – as positive discrimination, satisfying practical gender interests, or as a reinforcement of traditional gender norms and relations, stigmatizing women as a weaker, vulnerable group in need of special protection. Ongoing reform initiatives, however, neutralize most of these long‐lasting gendered policies, either by terminating rights formerly enjoyed only by women or by extending these rights to men as well. The article questions this changing nature of social policy as to whether it promises equal citizenship for women or increases their vulnerability, in the absence of former benefits and without sufficient policy measures for improved capability.     

Social policy and family relations: Choices for change

This article examines the relationship between social security policies and the trend toward greater equality in family life. The declining birth rate and increasing labour-force participation of women, among other factors, have altered the traditional division of labour in family life on which many social security policies were originally predicated. As the traditional guidelines dissolve, two schools of feminist thought suggest alternative ways that husbands and wives should divide their labour to fulfil domestic responsibilities. These perspectives on gender equality in family life are analysed in terms of their implications for social security policies. The merits of these approaches to policy are assessed in light of their impact on social choice, independence, self-realization, and family stability.     

Social security pensionable ages in OECD countries: 1949-2035

This paper examines the pensionable or early retirement age in social security in 23 OECD countries over the years 1949‐2035. The policies for future years are those in current law, with some not being fully effective until 2035. The paper documents a pattern of decreasing pensionable ages that reversed in the 1990s, with many countries raising pensionable ages since the beginning of that decade, though generally with future effective dates. Pensionable‐age policy provides insight into broader issues in social policy, such as whether social policies across countries have converged over time. The paper also examines the time pattern in the movement toward gender equality in social programmes.     

Social Policy in Greece: Rhetoric versus Reform

This paper reviews the major social policy developments in Greece during the 1980s and 1990s, focusing on social security, health and employment policies. It argues that the concept of social policy and the practice of politics have been distorted in this country. Social policy reflects the legacy of a heavily politicized and centralized policy‐making system, an impoverished administrative infrastructure and poorly developed social services. Its emergence is characterized by the pursuit of late and ineffective policies. It lacks continuity, planning and coordination, being oriented towards short‐term political expediency. It is largely insurance‐based, reproducing huge inequalities and institutional arrangements which are behind the times. It provides mainly cash benefits, low‐quality but rather expensive health services and marginal social welfare protection. Moreover, the lack of a minimum income safety net confirms the country's weak culture of universalism and social citizenship. By implication, complex policy and interlocking interest linkages have tarnished the “system” with a reputation for strong resistance to progressive change. At the same time, sources of change such as globalization, demographic developments, new household and family/gender patterns, unstable economic growth, fiscal imperatives, programme maturation, as well as persisting unemployment, changing labour markets and rising health care costs, have produced mounting pressures for welfare reform.     

Policies and programmes to end homelessness in Australia: Learning from international practice

Parsell C, Jones A, Head B. Policies and programmes to end homelessness in Australia: Learning from international practice. Many welfare states throughout the industrialised world have recently implemented policies to achieve targeted reductions in homelessness. These policy and welfare initiatives differ across national contexts. They are similar, however, in moving away from social programmes that have essentially ‘managed homelessness’ towards interventions that seek to permanently end homelessness. Australia has recently adopted similar homelessness policy objectives. This article examines the manner in which Australian homelessness policy has been converging with international policy directions. More specifically, the article scrutinises Australian social programmes adopted from the UK and USA as a means to achieve strategic goals of reducing homelessness. It argues that although Australian homelessness policy objectives are converging with international policy, Australian programmes modelled on international successes do not have some of the elements shown elsewhere to be crucial for achieving sustainable reductions in homelessness. This may become central to explaining programme outcomes in future years. Key Practitioner Message: ?Strategies aimed at permanently ending homelessness represent a significant shift to contemporary professional practice;?Homelessness programmes internationally are now characterised by their branding or identification with evidence‐based models;?It is important to critically scrutinise these models, examining their core elements and the manner in which they are appropriated and incorporated across jurisdictions.