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1.
1973年4月23日,美国国务卿、国家安全事务顾问基辛格在AP通信临时总会上发表演说,指出尼克松总统正在考虑与欧州间构建新大西洋宪章.该论点成为同年5月3日发行的美国外交白皮书的基调.这似乎是一个堪与1941年8月美英首脑会议签署的<大西洋宪章>相当的称呼,但是与理想主义、国际主义色彩较为浓厚的<大西洋宪章>相比而言,"新大西洋宪章"的调子低了许多,是一个现实主义色彩较为鲜明的构想.其主要目的是调整美国与其他发达资本主义国家间的经济摩擦,缓和经济矛盾,转嫁美国的防卫负担.同时,基辛格在演说当中还呼吁日本参加."新大西洋宪章"构想的提出引起了日欧的不同反应,欧洲各国态度较为消极,均认为构建新大西洋联盟的时机尚未成熟.而日本则在犹豫不决后,转变了对欧政策,通过田中政府的首脑外交,强化日欧双边关系,进而发生了日美欧三边关系的互动态势.因而通过深入研究、剖析"新大西洋宪章"构想与日本对欧政策调整间的关系,将有助于加深对世界政治对世界经济的作用分析.  相似文献   

2.
《东盟宪章》评析   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
廖少廉 《创新》2009,3(1):38-40
《东盟宪章》的签署和通过标志着东盟区域合作进程取得了重大进展。宪章对东盟的组织机构进行了调整,加强了机构以及成员国间的协调。但是,我们对宪章的作用不能有过高的估计。宪章基本上重申的是过去已经确定的和实施的目标和做法,对于东盟所面临的机制化问题仍然未能提出有效解决途径。  相似文献   

3.
罗斯福、杜鲁门、丘吉尔、艾德礼和斯大林在雅尔塔会议或波茨坦会议上,怎么也料想不到,一个战后新建的日本和德国竟然会在它们下一代人手里恢复成为世界上第二、第三经济强国,而且在国际事务中产生的影响仅次于美国。为什么日本和德国自1945年以来比西方盟国(包括美国)发展得更快?是不是战败和盟军占领起了作用?1945年之后,日本和德国在盟国鼓励下几乎把全部精力都投入重建家园的艰巨任务之中。日德两国着意培养新一代的经济建设者和组建国家的人物;两国也不必再为延续昔日的殖  相似文献   

4.
石黑一雄获奖在学术界引起的争议主要聚焦在对其作品价值和诺贝尔文学奖价值取向的质疑上。由于人类历史上持续不断的战争以及文学思潮的演进,文学对战争性质的探讨和战争场面的描写已经形成传统。石黑一雄则以记忆书写的叙事策略突破了这种传统,其《远山淡影》和《浮世画家》是对战后日本"个人记忆"和"国家记忆"的文学探讨,而《被掩埋的巨人》则是以"忘却"与"记忆"的逻辑悖论对冷战后表面上的和平与潜在的战争危机所做的文学反思。其作品内涵的研究结果表明,这位跨文化语境下的英国日裔作家已突破了族裔文学书写的藩篱,站在人类共有价值的高度来审视战争与和平,这不仅体现出其小说的重大时代意义,而且也回应了学术界对诺贝尔文学奖价值取向的质疑。  相似文献   

5.
目标管理(Management By Objectives)是罗斯福总统的政府所创立,而由近代历届总统承袭迄今的一项工作,它是这些领导人为改进联邦政府的管理效能所作的一种努力。目标管理的原理目标管理既是一种管理的原理,又是一种管理的方式,有时候也被称为“成果管理”。自德鲁克(Peter F.Drucker)在《管理的实践》一书中对目标管理作了广泛论述以后,从1954年以来,它已经成为美国和欧  相似文献   

6.
罗斯福就任总统之前,美国文官"功绩制"的范围越来越大,与此同时,文官制度本身也通过国会立法,处于初步的改善之中,美国文官制度的发展开始步入规范化的轨道。但是罗斯福在任职前期推行的"政治庇护制"却打断了文官制度自身发展的进程,使美国文官制度的发展一度偏离了原来的方向。罗斯福实行的"政治庇护制"是指不通过"功绩制"的文官分类办法,直接用政治手段来任命文官的原则。它的特点是思想意识和知识能力的庇护,罗斯福使用"政治庇护制"的目的是用行政领域的改革来保证"新政"措施得到高效率地贯彻和执行。从行政效率的角度看,"政治庇护制"是有效的,罗斯福在运用"政治庇护制"过程中促进了美国行政体制和官制向现代制转变。  相似文献   

7.
中美英反法西斯盟国在《开罗宣言》中对处置日本海外领地进行了原则规定,盟国的立场和态度充分体现在"三个所有"的规定上。处置日本海外领土中,琉球群岛的地位和定性非常关键,直接关系到战后处置日本本土问题。西方国家对琉球群岛的立场是清晰的,即琉球群岛不是日本固有领土。《波茨坦公告》是《开罗宣言》处置日本的原则规定的逻辑发展,其对战后日本领土主权作出明确规定,即战后日本领土主权仅限于其本土四岛及盟国决定的临近小岛礁。将日本所有武装力量及附属民事机构从北纬30°线以南地区驱逐出去是《开罗宣言》、《波茨坦公告》的法律文件的实施要求,也是日本战败的必然,由此北纬30°线成为战后中日海上岛屿领土的分界线。  相似文献   

8.
据苏联《世界经济与国际关系》杂志1980年第5期报道,苏联科学院世界经济与国际关系研究所1979年共发表了21部研究世界经济、政治、社会关系与阶级关系等方面的著作.这些著作的内容涉及五个方面.一、论述"现代帝国主义当前的矛盾和发展趋势、资本主义总危机的特点"问题(共发表了6部专著).1. 《现代资产阶级的经济增长和周期的理论(批判性分析)》,着重分析经济周期性发展的各种理论和模式,以美国为例,对战后资本主义再生产特征作简要评述.  相似文献   

9.
正中国社会科学院日本研究所组织编撰的学术文集——《日本战后70年:轨迹与走向》和《中日热点问题研究》于2015年12月由中国社会科学出版社出版发行。《日本战后70年:轨迹与走向》一书,由日本战后70年编委会编。该书从政治、外交、安全(日美同盟)、经济、社会、文化、思想、中日关系等多个领域,对日本战后70年来的轨迹进行系统梳理和深刻剖析,并在此基础上对日本的未来走向做出预测。《中日热点问题研究》一书,由中国社科院日本研究所《日本学刊》编辑部编。该书根据"聚焦中  相似文献   

10.
大平正芳首相推动的对华经济合作所构筑的"1979年体制",成为中日两国之间实现战后"和解"的核心内容。"1979年体制"蕴含的深层意义在于,战后长期处于敌对状态的中日两国,通过确立《中日联合声明》和《中日和平友好条约》的法律框架,超越战后赔偿这一环节,以日本提供对华经济合作支持中国现代化事业的方式,共同推进化敌为友、实现"和解"的历史进程。  相似文献   

11.
Jay Wiggan 《Policy Studies》2015,36(2):115-132
This article examines the sub-national diversity in activation quasi-markets in the United Kingdom (UK). Through comparison of four active labour market programmes in Great Britain and Northern Ireland between 2008 and 2014, the article clarifies and maps intra-UK diversity in employment service governance and unpacks the shifting configurations of market structures in each jurisdiction to reveal a temporally and spatially distinct patterning of marketisation. Drawing on Gingrich's approach to analysis and classification of quasi-market variation, the article proposes that between 2008 and 2014, Great Britain rapidly evolved a provider-directed activation market. In contrast, the activation market structure in Northern Ireland, up to late 2014, is better characterised as state directed. A recent reconfiguration of the activation market in Northern Ireland does however indicate some (modified) convergence on Great Britain's approach. One common and consistent feature of the configuration of activation markets in each jurisdiction is the few powers given to direct users of employment services to shape contracted out provision.  相似文献   

12.
In 2008, Great Britain overhauled its disability benefit programme by introducing a new disability determination process called the Work Capability Assessment and a new earnings replacement programme called Employment and Support Allowance. This article examines the British reforms from the perspective of the United States, which may consider changes to its disability benefit programme, the Social Security Disability Insurance programme, in the near future. The article provides an overview of the steps leading to the reform in Great Britain, details how the new programme operates, reviews research on its initial implementation and effects, and identifies lessons for the potential reform of the disability benefit programme in the United States.  相似文献   

13.
14.
论及日本在近代的领土扩张时,国内学者往往将注意力集中在日本通过武力对领土的强取豪夺上。然而,标榜"文明开化"的日本为扩张自身领土手段频出,除了诉诸武力外,还通过外交谈判来满足其领土野心,小笠原群岛正是日本通过外交手段获得的领土。无论是幕末至明治初期,日本通过与英、美谈判确立了在小笠原群岛上的主权,还是"二战"结束后日本通过对美谈判实现了小笠原群岛的"复归",日本都是通过外交途径实现了疆域的扩张。深入探讨日本外交中的小笠原问题,将有助于对日本近代以领土扩张为目的外交手段的认识。  相似文献   

15.
The Swedish child welfare system has no permanency planning as we know it from, for example, the United States and Great Britain. Regardless of whether the child is placed in foster care with or without the parents’ consent, the law requires semi-annual reviews and there is no time limit set on reunion. Nevertheless, there are foster children who remain in the foster home throughout the whole of childhood, on terms similar to permanent foster care or adoption. This paper concerns a selection of findings from a research project entitled ‘Is there a difference in being a foster child?’. Foster children aged 10–11 were interviewed three times and the children’s perspective was focused on, complemented by the perspective of their foster parent(s). When interviewed about their relationship to their natural family as well as to the foster family, and about having a sense of family belonging and expectations for the future, 11 of the 22 children perceived their stay in the foster home as permanent and regarded themselves as belonging only to the foster family, although all of the children had contact with their birth parents. The study concerns the children’s views as well as those of the foster parents. The perception of permanency in the absence of a legal option of permanency is discussed.  相似文献   

16.
Abstract

In the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895, the United States claimed to be neutral, but was in fact pro-Japanese. Before the war, it repeatedly refused mediation requests by China and Korea and rejected Britain’s joint mediation proposal while tacitly agreeing to or inciting Japan’s launching a war. During the war, American diplomats, as wartime protectors of both Japanese and Chinese nationals, frequently went beyond the limits of international law to protect Japanese spies in China. As the only mediator between China and Japan, the United States rejected the joint mediation efforts of European powers and helped reduce international pressure on Japan. At the same time, it unilaterally convinced the Qing government to accept Japan’s aggressive demands so as to help Japan achieve its war aims. The main reason for the United States’ bias towards Japan was that it hoped to use Japan to end the tributary relationship between China and Korea in order to further open the door to China while weakening the influence of Britain and Russia in East Asia.  相似文献   

17.
This article assesses the role which social insurance plays within the social security scheme in contemporary Great Britain, and presents this analysis for comparison and assessment to an international audience. The structure of the Beveridge scheme is briefly outlined and adaptations to it discussed. The scheme's failure to provide comprehensive social protection in Great Britain is then explained and the consequent drift towards social assistance is noted. A contrast is drawn between the advantages and disadvantages of insurance protection from a social policy perspective. Finally, the prospects for social insurance are briefly appraised and compared with alternative possible models for social security. From this it is concluded that, despite its past failings, even in Great Britain the prospects for social insurance protection remain strong.  相似文献   

18.
李娜 《创新》2008,2(4)
两次世界大战期间英国对外政策的演变是引人注目的。英国从一战的战胜国、巴黎和会的操纵者、"欧洲均势"的维护者,转变为20世纪30年代绥靖政策的推行者,其外交政策明显从主动走向被动,以至丧失外交主动权,不得不消极"避战",获得虚势的"和平"。英国绥靖政策的实行,有其错综复杂的国内背景和社会根源,但本质上是由盛转衰的英国丧失战斗意志的软弱表现。  相似文献   

19.
In the last two decades, the conservative critique of the welfare state has been very strong. This study examines the claim of neoconservatives that there is a mass repudiation of the welfare state in the advanced industrial countries. Empirical opinion survey findings from Great Britain and the United States between 1960 and 1990 are examined. Contrary to the radical right rhetoric, there is popular support for social programs in both countries. Evidence also points to sizeable support for a mixed economy of welfare. Three explanations are put forward to account for enduring public support for social programs: the prevalence of social rights, support from the poor and middle class and the limitations of markets.  相似文献   

20.
美国是一个多族群的国家,族群之间的矛盾和斗争充斥着整个美国历史发展过程。"二战"之后,特别是20世纪80年代以来,由于白人至上主义和极右思潮的抬头,美国族群关系更趋于紧张。然而,在前苏联、南斯拉夫这些多族群国家解体的后冷战时代,美国却能够保持相对稳定的族群关系。这主要得益于其不断完善的法律制度、多元与一体的相对平衡,以及不断改进的社会保障制度等因素。由于美国族群政策是建立在资本主义私有制基础之上的,具有不可避免的局限性,因而对美国的族群政策应重于研究、分析,慎于借鉴。  相似文献   

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