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1.
《离家出走和无家可归青少年法案》是美国在流浪儿童救助领域最为重要的法律之一。它的出台标志着美国联邦政府在制度与经费上全面介入了流浪儿童救助领域。也体现出美国社会对于流浪儿童的观念从“麻烦制造者”向“社会问题受害者”的转变。该法案包括三项主要救助计划,在美国流浪儿童的生活、教育、健康、就业等方面发挥了积极作用,但也存在导致部分流浪儿童更为边缘化的风险。  相似文献   

2.
美国以国家亲权为法律基础,出台了预防和应对儿童虐待的相关法律,在联邦、州和地方政府成立了儿童保护职能部门,制定了服务于儿童与家庭的工作流程。当前我国的儿童保护工作存在着强制举报制度缺乏、监护权法律不健全、儿童长期安置渠道不畅的困境,借鉴美国经验,我国应通过健全法律法规、建立专门政府机构、建设社区儿童服务中心等措施来完善儿童保护体系。  相似文献   

3.
书讯     
<正>《"流浪儿"在美国:社会救助的制度、实践与启示》:作者为上海社会科学院青少年研究所副研究员何芳。上海人民出版社2013年8月版,45元。随着我国社会转型的加剧和城市人口流动的加速,流浪儿童的数量日益增多。如何在我国建立和完善法律明晰、责任清楚、操作具体的流浪儿童救助体系和保护网络,已成为政府与社会共同关注的焦点。美国是有着较长儿童福利制度历史的发达国家,探讨美国在流浪儿童救助方面的经验,对当前我国建立和完善  相似文献   

4.
任何一个政府及其官员都不会自觉地自己监督自己,只有制度设计到位了,制约和监督才能够真正起作用。地方政府的组织结构复制公司的法人治理结构如果从公司的法人治理结构来理解美国地方政府的组织结构,是最方便不过的事。现年55岁,在美国地方政府工作了30 年,并在北卡罗莱那州的杜汉姆市和麻萨诸塞州的艾莫斯特镇两个地方政府中担任了22年半市镇经理的伯瑞·迪·卡斯迪欧先生,总结出一张美国政府组织结构表:美国政府分联邦政府、州政府、市政府、镇政府(公司)四个层次,各级政府都是由选民选  相似文献   

5.
多年来的保护性救助实践证明,流浪儿童的救助保护不仅需要临时性的食宿帮助和返乡护送,对于那些缺乏良好家庭和社会生活环境,甚至无家可归的流浪儿童,更需要的是健康的生活环境和成长路径的重建,只有真正改变了流浪未成年人非正常的社会生活环境和被扭曲了的社会化进程,才有可能使他们重新走上健康发展的人生道路。  相似文献   

6.
美国单单联邦警察就超过了80多种,各个州都有自己的州警察,各个地方政府也有自己的地方警察,美国警察拥有如此庞大复杂的系统。在美国警察系统中,这么多警察互不隶属,相互独立,各司其职,共同维护美国的安全与稳定。  相似文献   

7.
笔者对流浪儿童问题进行过深入的调查研究,发现造成流浪儿童问题的因素是多方面的,仅仅依靠政府设立的救助保护机构不能从根本上解决这个问题,必须在“党委领导、政府负责”的格局下,建立一个联结儿童、家庭、社区、学校、救助保护机构和公安机关的青少年社会管理体系,才能有效预防儿童离家流浪,并且更有效地救助和保护流浪儿童。  相似文献   

8.
蹇亚平 《现代妇女》2013,(12):204-204
[摘要]留守儿童及青少年活动站的建立及其活动的开展事关一个地区的稳定与安宁,各级政府及其社会力量均应该倾注一定的人力、财力和物力。各级党政应该将留守儿童及青少年活动站的建立、管理与发展纳入自己的议事日程,进行常态化的建设与管理,将管理的效果纳入地方政府政绩考核之中。国家在留守儿童及青少年活动站的建立方面,应按一定比例进行长期投入,将这一投入纳入财政规划之中。  相似文献   

9.
当前,中国流浪儿童救助保护的理论与实践都取得了显著进展。然而,在这一领域中,国家——社会关系、体制内的机构救助者和民间主体如何分工、两者关系如何调适等方面尚未形成学界共识。因此,对中国流浪儿童救助保护体系的构建原则进行讨论很有必要。构建流浪儿童救助保护体系应包括五个原则,即政府依然要扮演主要角色、社会力量的有效参与不可或缺、专业社会工作与本土社会工作相结合、档案管理与因人施“救”、对流浪儿童实施主动性救助保护等方面。  相似文献   

10.
试论困境儿童的国家救助——以儿童福利理论为视角   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
困境儿童的救助工作是我国儿童福利事业发展中的重要组成部分。做好困境儿童的救助工作是党、政府、国家、社会和公民共同的责任,因此,必须把对困境儿童的救助工作提升到国家战略的角度来考虑。既要正确认识困境儿童群体的异质性,设计多元化的政策和服务,尽快建立和完善普惠型困境儿童救助政策体系,又要承认困境儿童的能力和优势,允许部分困境儿童自主地选择接受受助方式;还要以儿童视角来保障困境儿童游戏娱乐的权利。  相似文献   

11.
Local governments have gained increasing responsibilities for public well‐being according to a variety of social science literatures. The rise of the local state is often seen as a part of a broader process of state‐rescaling or downward shift in national governance under neoliberal development. Yet attention to local government lags in political sociology, which conventionally elevates the national federal state as its object of interest. I summarize four recent bodies of literature that address the new role of local governments. Taken together, these literatures speak to different sides of the debate about whether the rise of local government is detrimental to citizens' well‐being. I explain how greater sociological attention to the local state can contribute to this debate as well as inform political sociologists' understanding of the U.S. nation‐state itself and provide directions for future research.  相似文献   

12.
The relationships between federal, state, and local governments have been in varying degrees of dynamic tension since the founding of this country. Concern with the care of dependent or needy populations has reflected this tension. The original sovereignty enjoyed by the 13 colonies following the Revolutionary War was challenged over time by the evolving power of the federal government. This evolution resulted from federal legislative actions, the initiatives and vetoes of presidents, court decisions, and constitutional amendments. The crisis of the Great Depression of the 1930s can be viewed as the beginning of modern federalism, with the emergence of an increasingly strong, more dominant federal government. Within 35 years of this crisis, a significant challenge to this growth was expressed through the resurgence of political support for limiting the role of the federal government, and for the return of power to the states. The net results of this challenge seemed unclear at the close of the Reagan presidency.  相似文献   

13.
Some scholars have shown how the U.S. has deployed several traditional, imperial strategies to maintain global power, including military interventions, support for proxy governments, economic coercion, and the exercise of hegemony. In many countries, though, these strategies cannot effectively work. Some countries have elected leaders that defy U.S. influence, and, in middle‐income countries, the U.S. cannot use economic coercion. The U.S. also cannot militarily invade all countries that possess anti‐American governments. How, then, does the U.S. aim to confront and control anti‐American governments in the contemporary world? I examine U.S. foreign policy towards Venezuela under Hugo Chávez, who recurrently challenged U.S. global power during his time in office. Through interviews with U.S. state elites, who developed policy towards Venezuela, and through analysis of U.S. diplomatic cables, I show how the U.S. has moved away from traditional, imperial modalities and towards new imperial techniques aimed at frustrating political processes within particular countries, as well as containing their global influence. These techniques include pressuring the federal judiciary, utilizing state agencies to fund and support opposition political parties and NGOs, seeking to terminate particular pieces of legislation, and eliminating eligibility for global leadership positions. These efforts do not immediately aim to displace existing governments, but, in the least, they aim to frustrate the domestic efforts of particular governments, and ultimately cultivate conditions favorable for the political opposition to eventually attain political power.  相似文献   

14.
Labor unions are widely regarded as private organizations which finance their activities exclusively through revenues collected from members and others who are covered by collective bargaining agreements. In reality, however, U.S. unions receive millions of dollars each year through grants and contracts from federal, state, and local governments for a variety of purposes, including aid to the unemployed; these funds are used (sometimes illegally) to finance union operations, including political activities. This article briefly explores the phenomenon of tax-funded unionism.  相似文献   

15.
埃及被认为是美国在中东地区和阿拉伯世界最坚定的盟友。美国自1979年埃及与以色列签署和平协议以来,每年向埃及提供大量的军事与经济援助。2013年7月3日,埃及民选总统穆罕默德·穆尔西被埃及军队废黜。根据联邦法律,美国暂停对埃及的部分援助。本文从“7·3”事件后美国对埃及援助的变化及其特点、影响援助变化的主要原因进行分析,展现美国对埃及援助政策中的复杂利益和战略考量,根据对历史与现实的分析,预测美国今后对埃援助政策的走势。  相似文献   

16.
顾巧明 《科学发展》2013,(10):28-33
发行地方政府债券是地方政府筹措资金比较规范的途径,应逐步放开地方政府发债限制,引入市场化融资机制,允许符合条件的省级政府发行一定规模的地方债券。首先由财政部制定地方发行债券总规模控制指标,再由全国性信用评级机构评级后发行。允许地方政府发行债券,可以将贷款风险转化为显性的可控制的政府债务风险。通过债券发行等形式筹资建设的项目,往往具有相对较高的透明度以及相对较严格的自我约束;通过市场的监督机制,可以更有效地避免地方政府负债的非理性扩张。  相似文献   

17.
The causes of the migration of both blacks and whites from the U.S. South between 1930 and 1940 are examined. The author challenges the hypothesis that the root cause of this migration was the mechanization of agriculture and suggests that the primary cause was the crisis in cotton farming that occurred during the depression of the 1930s. "Large farm owners secured aid from the federal government in the form of agricultural subsidy payments. In response to this program, they reduced their cotton acreage, bought tractors, and displaced their tenants. This transformation drastically reduced the need for tenant labor and brought about the large-scale migrations. Regression analyses of relevant data confirm this interpretation."  相似文献   

18.
Rising fiscal pressure on local governments in rural areas of the United States is documented in this study. The level of fiscal burden on taxpayers to support local governments in nonmetropolitan areas is found to be higher than that in metropolitan areas between 1977 and 1987. Using a model from the urban fiscal literature, the level of fiscal burden in nonmetropolitan areas is found to be influenced by a combination of demographic, socioeconomic, intergovernmental, and historical factors. Intergovernmental revenue transfers from the state and federal government play a critical role in determining the level of fiscal burden rural taxpayers bear. These findings have implications for rural economic development and for understanding how rural areas are influenced by the larger society.  相似文献   

19.
张传勇 《科学发展》2013,(12):72-75
面对保障性安居工程巨额的资金需求,各地政府纷纷尝试多种保障房建设融资模式,其融资途径涵盖银行贷款、地方债、私募债、公积金甚至是企业债,保障房发展的资金困境似乎正在化解。但这又产生了新的问题:一是发债资金使用流向的监管,二是保障房债券的偿还。保障房项目利润率低,建设周期长,单纯依靠财政投入难以为保障房建设提供长期稳定的资金来源。应该发挥政府动员社会资源的能力,构建以地方政府为主体、多方参与、风险共担与风险规避的保障房投融资平台,吸引民间资本、住房公积金增值收益、银行信贷、信托、保险、社保等具有不同风险偏好的资本参与保障房建设,使建设资金来源多元化,从源头上解决融资难的问题。  相似文献   

20.
近年美国等西方国家与伊朗在核问题上的分歧逐渐扩大,加深了原已存在的对抗程度。伊朗核研发最初在美国等西方国家支持下开始实施,目前认为伊核问题将威胁地区安全与世界和平的也是美国等西方国家。伊朗在恶劣的环境中却能不断提升自身实力和扩大在中东的影响,是中东举足轻重的地区大国。奥巴马执政后美国对伊朗进行军事打击的可能性降低,但伊朗仍有可能遭到来自以色列的军事打击。伊朗不可能放弃和平利用核能的合法权利,美国等西方国家与伊朗在核问题上的博弈将长期化。  相似文献   

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