“欧洲政策中心”对欧盟北非政策的影响途径

本文将＂塑造决策议程的多源流＂模型和＂权力场中心空间＂视角相结合,建立了一个分析框架。在此基础上,本文选取欧盟的＂地中海联盟＂政策架构的两次演变作为案例,从三方面入手,分析＂欧洲政策中心＂影响欧盟的北非政策的方式与途径：首先,比较该智库的建言与欧盟政策在内容要点上的关联性和时间上的先后顺序,以评估该智库的总体影响;其次,分析该智库举办的高层论坛的运作结构,以观察其短期直接影响,评估其作为＂权力场＂的信息沟通＂平台＂的作用;再次,分析该智库经由＂旋转门＂体制与欧盟决策体系形成的人事关联,以评估其长期直接影响。＂欧洲政策中心＂对欧盟＂地中海联盟＂架构的影响机制,折射出欧盟层面的智库在欧盟对外决策体系中的位置与作用。     

一座畸形的城市

休达城背倚穆萨山麓,濒临地中海,与直布罗陀隔海相望,宛如一颗光彩熠熠的钻石,注视着前来夺取它的强盗。休达不是我们想象中的具有摩洛哥特点的城市,而是一座欧洲城市。它原有的东方风貌被占领当局肆意糟蹋,剩下的只是那些具有阿拉伯风格的楼房建筑和楼里穿戴着摩洛哥的民间服饰的居民。     

当代欧洲青年战略：历史演变、政策框架与发展走向

促进青年发展一直是欧洲发展领域的优先事项。欧洲青年战略是欧洲青年工作的纲领性文件，蕴含着欧洲对青年做出的发展承诺。文章聚焦于第二次世界大战后的欧洲青年战略，依次分析其历史演变、政策框架和发展走向。历经70余年，当代欧洲已形成由欧洲委员会和欧盟分别自主建构并实施的两种青年战略范式。欧洲委员会和欧盟在青年事务的处置上呈现从“双轨并行”到“一体协作”的行动逻辑，其政策框架具有外在形式的趋同与内在逻辑的差异。当前，欧洲期望构建青年战略的“欧洲标准”，但同时面临青年领域“熵增”难题的治理困境。欧洲青年战略的整体图景对我国青年战略的推进具有借鉴意义。     

西班牙散记(之一)

陌生的西班牙 万里之遥的西班牙,是我们的童话世界,知道的尽是传播媒介认识的斗牛、哥伦布、塞万堤斯、毕加索,然而西班牙仍是个谜。 这次到了这个陌生的世界,开始实地了解这个文明古国。西班牙位于欧洲西南部,占据了伊比利亚半岛的大部分土地。陆上与葡萄牙,法国和安道尔为邻,海上与大西洋比斯开湾,地中海相伴,南部隔直布罗陀海峡可遥望非洲国家摩洛哥。地中海上的巴利阿里群岛和大西洋上的加那利群岛等也是西班牙领土的组成部分。全国方圆50.5万平方公里,     

欧盟“碳边境”调整机制对中欧贸易的影响及其对策

在中欧贸易关系中,欧盟拟实施的“碳边境”调整机制将对中国碳密集型产业出口产生影响,致使能源密集型产品出口量急剧下滑、产品价格上升、企业成本增加、出口竞争力下降等.为弱化甚至避免碳关税政策对我国经济带来的负面影响,可加大对技术创新的投入,大力开展中国境内碳排放交易体系建设,加强与欧盟在气候变化方面的合作,通过“联合气候行动”应对“单边碳排放定价”等.     

欧美中东政策差异及欧盟中东方案探析

从新地缘政治角度看,扩大后的欧盟拥有新的边境和邻国.在大欧洲框架下,中东成为欧盟新的外部环境在欧盟共同外交和安全政策中也具有战略优先权.本文在简述欧美共同战略认知框架基础上,论述欧盟的中东方案,其内容涉及欧盟致力于中东和平与稳定的外交目标、和平进程中的原则与措施等.同时也指出了中东地区的安全困境及其出路.     

悄然萌芽中的“欧洲人”身份

欧盟东扩一年来,反对欧洲一体化的论调和对新欧洲宪法的质疑往往成了头条新闻。然而,在政治和制度的争论之外的现实情况是,日益开放的欧洲边界正在悄然建构着“欧洲人”的身份。越来越多的欧洲年轻一代穿梭于欧洲各国进行学习、工作和约会。与他们那些在民族国家成长起来的父辈们不同的是,这些青年人使用着多种语言,接受着多样性的文化。2001年《时代》杂志的一项民意测验表明,绝大多数的欧盟公民     

欧美中东政策差异及欧盟中东方案探析

从新地缘政治角度看，扩大后的欧盟拥有新的边境和邻国。在大欧洲框架下，中东成为欧盟新的外部环境在欧盟共同外交和安全政策中也具有战略优先权。本文在简述欧美共同战略认知框架基础上，论述欧盟的中东方案，其内容涉及欧盟致力于中东和平与稳定的外交目标、和平进程中的原则与措施等。同时也指出了中东地区的安全困境及其出路。     

欧盟对中东北非政策调整之我见

法、德两国领导人更替后，欧洲同美国的关系恢复到伊拉克战争之前的状态，但是欧盟主要大国及欧盟本身对中东北非地区的政策仍不同于美国。2003年以来，该地区一系列事件发生后，欧盟及欧洲各大国决策者和学者对以往的政策做出评估或修改：比以往更强调坚持长期的经济发展政策；由下而上改变政权结构；推动中东北非国家进入国际体系；提高治理能力及保障人身安全等，从而达到“以发展促安全、以安全促发展”之目的。     

欧盟与沙特阿拉伯王国的民主化进程

“9·11”后欧盟加大对沙特等海合会国家的关注力度，这对未来如何建立新型的西方与伊斯兰世界的关系有重要参考价值。欧盟推进沙特民主化进程的动机主要表现在四个方面：维护欧洲安全、促进沙特稳定、弘扬欧洲民主、抵消美国压力。欧盟主要从经贸领域着手，积极推进沙特更好地融入世界经济，此外，还辅以对其现行政治制度的宽容和对伊斯兰的理解与尊重。欧盟民主观建立在维护人权的基础上，其民主只是一种手段而非终极目标。在欧盟的间接影响下，沙特在地方选举、政府机构改革和发展、非暴力民间组织的诞生、妇女地位改善等方面有所推进。欧盟与沙特之间存在着良性互动。     

Migrants as strategic actors in the European Union's Global Approach to Migration and Mobility

The European Union's discourse of ‘partnership’ in the Global Approach to Migration and Mobility and the widely expressed critique of this discourse as a process of ‘externalization’ of EU policy both depend on unitary accounts of the main policy actors involved. Two separate literatures contest such unitary accounts. Within political science and international relations, institutional approaches identify a range of strategic actors involved in policy development; in anthropology, there is a well‐established interest in the strategic behaviour of disempowered actors. In this article, I set out to link these two approaches with an examination of undocumented migrants as strategic actors. I use a case study of events at the borders between Morocco and the Spanish enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla in late 2005, which have proved extremely influential in the continued development of the EU's global approach, to identify the ways in which even highly marginalized migrants were able to develop transnational social organizations.     

Negotiating race and place in the Garifuna Diaspora: Identity formation and transnational grassroots politics in New York City and Honduras

This paper is an exploration of the relations between the politics of identity and the socio‐economic and political processes of the current era of globalization. Using ethnographic material from the transnational grassroots organizations of the Garinagu—an Afro‐Indigenous population living in transnational communities between Central America and the US—I show the multiple ways that they articulate their identity between and among the tropes of “autocthony,” “blackness,” “Hispanic,” “diaspora,” and “nation.” This construction and negotiation of identity is intimately connected to the negotiation of rights vis‐à‐vis nation‐states and international political bodies, where ideologies of race, ethnicity, nation, and citizenship carry with them different implications for rights and belonging. I argue that the complexities of this case point to the uneven processes of globalization, within which the power to define the ideological terrain of economic and political struggles is still profoundly unequal.     

Schooling a European Identity: ethno‐cultural exclusion and nationalist resonance within the EU policy of “The European dimension of education”

This article aims to explore how the role of education as an aide in the process of “European” identity formation is being articulated in the European Union's (EU) policy of “The European dimension of education”. After having located the EU's views on education in the context of the neo‐liberal discourse on economic globalization, the article goes on to trace EU discussions of the European dimension of education historically. Subsequently, it deliberates on the understanding of European culture and identity which the European dimension of education endeavours to advance. Here a critique is developed of the policy's ethno‐culturalism, thereby excluding delineation of a collective identity in the EU. Basing itself on a notion of cultural identity which, implicitly, includes only those who fit certain versions of European historical “roots” and cultural “heritage”, the policy, it is argued, impedes a discussion of how a trans‐ethnic identity formation could be created in today's EU. Towards the end of the article, a scrutiny of the European dimension's perception of the so‐called “language diversity” in the EU seeks to illustrate this issue further.     

Ideological Primary Groups in Contemporary Cultural Movements

Abstract

This paper argues that “post-modern” societies generate movements for cultural change in models “of” and “for” identity and consciousness, rather than traditional kinds of social movements aiming at structural changes in institutional arrangements. The distinctive and crucial unit in comtemporary cultural movements is what we have termed the “ideological group.” These groups are similar to the “ideological informal groups” which recruited members of traditional social movements on the basis of personal contacts and confidence, and which rested on shared “inner convictions.” Like other, earlier, ideological groups, they focus on the construction and legitimation of a shared symbolic interpretation, and ideology of a dissatisfying reality as well as their own personal and collective identity in relation to it. However, contemporary movement groups have been influenced considerably by the sensitivity training-encounter-group dynamics techniques associated with the intensive group movement. The result is a new interest in artificial primary relations among sociologically homogeneous peers for joining socio-cultural analyses with psychological interpretations of common personal experiences. The processes generated in these ideological primary groups lead to the collective construction of new or modified ideological interpretations of reality which contain different, more satisfying, models “of” and “for” personal and group identity, and “consciousness.”     

Europe’s Migration Agreements with Migrant‐Sending Countries in the Global South: A Critical Review

The past two decades have seen the steady emergence of various bilateral and multilateral migration agreements between Europe and migrant‐sending countries in the global South. This article provides a critical assessment of the way the EU – and individual countries such as Spain, France and Italy – have played active roles in reshaping old and developing new strategies for keeping migration under control while opening up new opportunities for “regular” migration. It also discusses the extent to which migration agreements help migrant‐sending countries in Africa, Asia and Latin America to optimize the link between migration and development. Based on an analysis of the contents of the migration agreements and their implementation, it has become obvious that there is still a long way to go to achieve “fair multilateralism” and create “win‐win” situations between the EU and the poorer migrant‐sending countries in Africa, Asia and Latin America.     

“The Vital Force”: Visuality and the National Economy

Although it has often been conceived as a material or already‐existing kind of category, the “economy”, before it can be governed, must first be “made up” and constituted in particular ways. This paper seeks to contribute to recent genealogies of the “economy” by highlighting the role of one particular “cultural” technology–the techniques of visuality–in the making up of the national economy during the interwar and postwar periods. To develop this analysis, this paper reviews the ways in which private and public financial initiatives turned to visuality and advertising as a way to appeal more directly to and mobilize working class and everyday populations. In these appeals to “popular finance” visual techniques were used to diagram both a reworked conception of the national economy as well as the modes of citizenship key to this rationality of national economic space. This case also helps underscore the heterogeneity with which the national economy was assembled as a mode of economic governance constituted in multiple and never‐completed kinds of ways. Highlighting this heterogeneity, this paper concludes, is important especially in the context of discussions of “globalization” which are, once again, provoking questions relating to the very making of economic space, practice and identity.     

自反性青年亚文化——青年文化的空间属性与情感转向

“青年文化”具有“亚文化”属性,不仅仅指“青春叛逆”这一特质,在新媒体时代更涉及到“网络媒介”对“青年文化”的形塑。通过当代大学生阅读调查、网络使用习惯调查以及实际社交状况的深描,探讨青年群体在虚拟空间与现实空间中不同的身份表达,可以发现当下“赛博空间”中的青年自我表征与现实身份认同的关系具有“自反性”,一方面“次元壁”的区隔显示出青年身份认同的焦虑,另一方面从“网络—现实”空间的二元对立中又生产出身份认同的路径,即通过“自我对抗”最终生产出青年的主体性。     

Knowing what is good for you: Empirical analysis of personal preferences and the “objective good”

This paper aims to test empirically if certain frequently used measures of well-being, which are regarded as valuable properties of human life, are actually desired by people. In other words, it investigates whether the “expert judgments” in social science overlap with social consensus on what the “good life” is. The starting hypothesis is that there is an overlap between these two in the case of basic needs. For the analysis, individuals’ self-reported life satisfaction is used as a proxy for “utility”, based on survey data, which includes about 30,000 individuals from 21 different European countries. The results indicate that the commonly used measures of well-being – labour market situation, health, housing conditions and social relations – significantly influence people's satisfaction, ceteris paribus. Next, the stability of preferences is tested using Hungarian data from the 1990s. The results indicate that there was only very limited change in the relationship between life satisfaction and basic measures of well-being despite the landslide of societal and economic transformation.     

Fashioning Futures: Life Coaching and the Self‐Made Identity Paradox

Contemporary processes of individualization push people to construct single‐handedly their own identities. This urge runs counter to a fundament of sociology, which proposes that identities are social products that must be validated through social relations. Based on participant observation and in‐depth interviews with life coaches and their clients, I investigate life coaching as a social institution that aims to resolve the paradoxical nature of the desire for self‐creation. Locating life coaching in the larger identity‐fashioning market, this article illustrates how the artificial nature of outsourced social relations reconciles two apparently contradictory desires: the “need for help” and “wanting to find it on my own.” Three mechanisms are involved: creating an independent social space where identities can be crafted away from significant others; deliberately deemphasizing the coach and intentionally underwriting personal authorship; and encouraging clients to root identities in the social world while promoting an instrumental view of sociality. The article discusses the blurring of boundaries between intimate social relations and utilitarian market logic, and the implications of the ongoing outsourcing of identity support that reinforces the privileged ideal of self‐made identities.     

Gezi Park and EuroMaidan: social movements at the borders

Both Turkey and Ukraine are located at the external borders of the European Union (EU), and are seen as important partners of the EU, especially in terms of economic relations and strategic partnership. Both countries experienced en masse protest events in 2013: the Gezi Park protests and EuroMaidan, starting, respectively, in May 2013 and November 2013. Although these protests started initially for different reasons – the brutal eviction of a sit-in organized for protecting the trees in Taksim Gezi Park and the Ukrainian government's abandonment of EU trade agreement talks – and seem spatially, temporally and ideologically separate, they both include claims related to a “more just and transparent system”. Such claims are not purely political and are closely linked to a social dimension, especially in terms of local and European space-making. This article aims to understand the importance of Gezi Park and EuroMaidan within the framework of new social movements in terms of space-making and the perception of human rights, democracy, justice, identitarian politics and consensual social relations as Euro-concepts or European ideals.