歌舞“笙”平——侗家芦笙舞小览

侗族是我国历史悠久的民族之一,分布在湘、黔、桂三省(区)的毗连地带。侗族是一个爱美的民族,它的舞蹈艺术给人以独特的美,是民族文化中的瑰宝。传说三国时孟获镇守黔南一带,以竹锉孔吹者,作为行军打仗的信号之用。后来侗族人民受到欺压时,他们便吹起芦笙为集合号令,聚寨反抗,横行山寨的官吏往往被洪亮高昂的声音吓得逃之夭夭,芦笙成了保卫山寨的战斗号角。“男未娶者,以金鸡尾插鬓。农闲时一至一、二百人为曹(群),手相握而歌,数人吹芦笙前导之”,宋代《老学庵笔记》记述了辰州、靖州侗族地区男性头插金鸡尾,吹笙握手而歌舞的盛况。“斗鸡芦…     

数字平台对传统企业及其劳动者的影响——以巡游车为例

通过对数字经济下巡游车企业及其劳动者的研究,讨论了数字平台何以对传统企业及其劳动者带来影响,以及传统行业何以存续的问题。市场准入下的差异导致了两者在市场策略中的不同,而市场运作逻辑的差异导致了两者的商业模式的区别。高效的市场灵活度、经营成本的差异化、虚拟管理的松散化及其司机准入的低门槛,使得数字平台快速扩大了市场份额,吸引了更多的用户加入。而传统巡游车司机则受到新、旧两种商业模式的挤压,加之受平台歧视,其收入下降,从而带来了职业社会经济地位的降低,而不得不在工作中进行自我加压。然而,在平台的强势发展之下,传统企业由于政府政策的支持、市场多方位的需求,以及对劳动者的制度化和非制度化保障,使其保有了一定的续存力量,能够在市场中继续与数字平台进行竞争。     

基于岗位标准在护理学基础中融入思政教育的探究

立德树人是高校教育的根本任务。本文基于护理岗位标准,以护理专业的核心基础课程护理学基础为例,从师资队伍建设、思政元素挖掘、理论与实训教学改革等方面探讨有效融入课程思政的方法和思路,以期使学生不仅具备综合运用护理专业知识和技术的能力,还具有良好的职业素质,为提高护理人才培养质量提供参考。     

政策学习:理解政策变迁的新视角

政策学习作为解释政策变迁的一个较新的视角,在理论建构和经验研究上尚有很大空间。政策学习源自公共政策研究领域;随着学习在全球范围内日益被重视,政策学习概念也不断变迁。政策学习理论应用于社会政策研究中,将为丰富社会政策理论、分析政策的形成和变迁过程、增加决策合理性和政策效率作出贡献。社会学习理论对中国的社会政策发展具有重要意义,有助于对政策过程和政策机制进行深入探索,并且有助于推动中国的社会政策从被动适应向主动调适变迁。     

所有权保留的性质分析及其制度设计

19世纪以来,随着信用经济的兴起,所有权保留制度得到了广泛的应用。所有权保留的性质如何,直接影响当事人之间的权利与义务。关于所有权保留的性质,学术界主要有部分所有权移转说、担保权说和双重所有权说等几种观点。本文认为,所有权保留是一种附停止条件的民事法律行为。最后,本文基于对所有权保留是一种附停止条件的民事法律行为的认识,提出了所有权保留的制度设计。     

高校经管类专业实践课课程思政教学改革路径研究 ———以市场调查与预测课程为例

课程思政改革是提高人才培养质量、落实“立德树人”根本任务的重要举措,在教育改革的新时代背景下,高校经管类 专业也应加强专业课程的思想政治教育。 分析了经管类专业实践课的课程思政改革路径,以市场调查与预测这门课为例,介 绍了课程思政理论、教学改革的目标和思路,政治教育元素、价值观元素、中华传统文化等思政元素的融入,提出“全员”参与 课程思政、“全过程”融入课程思政、“全方位”渗透课程思政等提升教学效果的措施。 以此实现经管类专业实践课知识教育和 思想政治教育的融合,培养德才兼备的高素质大学生,为其他高校相关经管类专业实践课的课程思政教育教学提供一定的 借鉴。     

数据要素、数据部门与经济增长

本文参照经典的刘易斯二元经济模型范式，通过将数据要素引入生产函数，提出了新二元经济结构理论：在数据要素驱动下，以数据业为核心的数据部门正不断发展壮大。在这一过程中，数据部门持续吸引传统工业部门和农业部门的剩余劳动和剩余资本进入，与传统的工业部门和农业部门形成了“新二元经济结构”，正深刻影响经济社会的发展，并推动着生产生活的数字化进程。本文还对新二元经济结构发展演变的不同阶段进行了分析，研究了新二元经济结构对处于不同发展水平的国家的影响，以及需防范的风险等。     

香料与世界

Around 1500 , the world experi￣enced an explosion of exploration which greatly transformed the world for the next several hundreds of years. During this time, Christopher Columbus, Vasco da Gama, and other seafaring entrepreneurs sought new routes to India’s Malabar Coast and the Indonesian archipelago. The objective of their ef￣forts was mainly spice specifically pepper, cinna￣mon, nutmeg, clove, and a few others. In the en￣suing years, the Spanish, Portuguese, English, and Dutch would all seek to dominate the spice trade, employing an astonishing amount of blood￣shed and brutality to achieve their aims. They were undermined only by pirates, who would occasional￣ly plunder the spice boats, relieving them of their precious cargo.
The reason behind their desire to seek spice, was not only, and in fact, not even primarily, profits. In an age that poured its commercial ener￣gies into such un - poetical ends such as arms, oil, and mineral ores, the drive to obtain anything quite so quaintly insignificant as spice must strike us today as mystifying indeed. While historians of￣ten point to medieval Europe’s problems with ran￣cid meat, along with the mind -numbing repeti￣tiveness of its diet, as the source of spice’s early popularity, the main reason for desiring spice came down to one simple thing: mystery. Spices were, in a sense, magical if not divine, arriving by un￣known means from the vast blank spaces on the map, spaces populated by dragons, gods, and monsters. From mystery grew mystique. It was a seductive premise.
This article starts by examining the rise of Europe’s economy after the first millennium and the subsequent demand for Eastern luxuries. Ginger, mace, and other exotic ingredients quickly became status symbols among noblemen—not unlike furs or jewels—as well as staples in upper -class kitch￣ens, with nearly every dish deluged by seasonings, to the point where the medieval appetite for spice looked less like a taste than an addiction. It was also believed that ingesting spices was a way to im￣prove one’s health and that they could cure every￣thing from gangrene and paralysis to constipation and lung disease. Then there’s sex. Spice has long been associated with eroticism, including recent examples like the pop-music sex kittens the Spice Girls and the Spice soft-porn cable TV station. In the Middle Ages—when noblemen’s fear of infertil￣ity ran rampant—spices were widely believed to serve as aphrodisiacs. It was these very qualities, that led many medieval Christian leaders to de￣nounce spices—ginger in particular—arguing that their corrupting influence undermined monks’ vows of celibacy, with one mystic even comparing them to the forbidden apple of Eden. Others claimed their overuse could lead to drying out, derange￣ment, and even death. The most puritanical critics saw spice as nothing less than an affront to God, who had already met man’s basic needs by provi￣ding local foods, a gift cooks were now tampering with by introducing foreign flavors. Moreover, spice served as a medieval perfume, with the most spicy, most expensive varieties favored among the social elite. And spice was also used in mummifi￣cation and embalming techniques that continued in future centuries. For instance, the practice dates back to Ramses II, an Egyptian pharaoh who died in 1224 b. c.; an examination of his remains re￣vealed peppercorns stuffed up his large, and crooked nose, a discovery which startled scien￣tists.
Despite efforts by the Dutch to maintain their monopoly over spice plantations and prevent propa￣gation, products like cloves and nutmeg eventually spread to other regions of the world. This was largely due to Spanish and Portuguese smugglers—who reduced them to mere commodities and dimin￣ished their intrigue and notoriety, not to mention their cost. By the mid-1600s, pepper in particu￣lar had long since become available to the Europe￣an masses, prompting the nobility to lose interest. At the same time, crops like tomatoes and chilies, brought back from the New World, were broade￣ning the European diet and creating new options for cooks. A shift to simple, fresh, local ingredi￣ents—to foods that tasted like themselves—was un￣derway, a transformation nowhere as successful as in Italy, where simplicity remains the quintessence of its cuisine. As a result, the heavily spiced meals of the Middle Ages fell from favor. Once the province of aristocracy, spice became just the op￣posite. In the modern world, it tends to be the poor, not the rich, who eat spices.
While the history of spice from a Western point of view remarkably transformed the world, it should be noted that spice also underwent a quite different way of becoming modernized. In the re￣spect, spice in Chinese history constitutes a large part of the world history of spice.
Prior to the 15th century, pepper was regar￣ded as a rarity. In China it was as highly valued for medicinal purposes as ginseng and cassia bark are today. During the Tang dynasty, we find pep￣per mentioned side by side with stalactites, one of the most valuable drugs of the time. This is an in￣dication of how highly valued spice was. From that time onwards, the expression “800 piculs of pep￣per” came to be synonymous with riches and luxu￣ry. In China, the change in the value of pepper from being a precious commodity to one in common use came about as the result of several polices of Ming Emperor, including tribute trade, Zheng He’s voyages, and the scheme of supplying pepper instead of salaries to officials. The advent of direct dealings with the supply sources had a profound effect in China, and the circulation of other foreign commodities generally also increased greatly after these voyages.
From early Ming times, foreign trade, inclu￣ding that in pepper and sapanwood, was an Impe￣rial monopoly, closely guarded to ensure that all the profits went to the Emperor. One inevitable re￣sult of the importation into China of such huge a￣mounts of pepper, however, was that hitherto un￣developed exchange relations improved, though the equilibrium between demand and supply remained unsteady because of obstacles in the way of equita￣ble distribution. A sudden expansion of the selling market could only be expected to cause a dramatic fall in the price of pepper. This occurred much earlier than did the discovery of the direct passage to India by Vasco de Gama.
During the reign of the first Ming Emperor, Hong Wu, pepper and sapanwood were frequently given to subjects as a reward for services rendered, a practice first recorded in 1379 . During 1391 and 1392 , altogether 13 ,800 naval officers and soldiers on active service, and 12,000 soldiers engaged in ship-building were rewarded in this way, the lat￣ter receiving one catty of pepper each. In both ca￣ses these rewards, which were small in scale, were for completing tasks assigned. At the time of the enthronement of the second Emperor, Yong Le (1403), four catties of pepper, the highest pepper reward recorded, in addition to 30 ting of paper money, were given to a minor official for comple￣ting the Imperial seal. Considering the high value of paper money at that time, this showed that pep￣per was still treasured as a scarce commodity, and had not yet fallen into common use.
The effect of Zheng He’s voyages on the distri￣bution of pepper in the Chinese market is reflected by the form payments took in the early part of the Ming dynasty. In the 5th year of Yong Le (1407), following Zheng He’s return from his first voyage, came the first proclamation of an arrangement to supply the soldiers in all military stations in Peking with sapanwood in lieu of winter clothing. It is es￣timated that at least 250 , 000 army servicemen were involved. It was in 1420, after Zheng He’s fifth voyage, that pepper was first announced as a substitute for the clothing due to these same ser￣vicemen. However, the amount was by no means large:one catty and six ounces of sapanwood and four ounces of pepper were paid in lieu of a piece of thin silk material, and one catty of sapanwood and three ounces of pepper were paid instead of a piece of cotton cloth. The same scheme of suppl￣ying sapanwood instead of winter clothing was em￣ployed again the following year, 1421. At the same time it was proclaimed that part of the salary of all civil and military officials in Peking paid in the form of paper money was to be paid in sapan￣wood and pepper instead. Henceforth it was estab￣lished that the salary of officials should be paid partly in sapanwood and pepper, and it was clearly the pepper brought back by Zheng He’s fleet that was being used as substitute currency. Silver, pa￣per money, cloth, sapanwood, and pepper were interchangeable as currency.
Except for a very small amount retained for their own consumption, the officials would have had to sell most of their pepper on the market, which would inevitably accelerate the fall in its market price. By the mid-Ming period, spice that had been exclusively enjoyed by the upper classes, began to be popular among the commoners. The frequency of appearance of spice in dietary books, recipes, and daily life guides increased to an un￣precedented level. Pepper, especially, was broad￣ly used for cooking, pickling fruits, brewing, and making fragrant tea. The widespread application of perfume, as a typical merchandise from maritime trade, led to a profound transformation in people’s conception and style of everyday life.     

中国式现代化进程中农村居民的社会比较与风险感知

个体的风险感知不仅被各类客观因素所形塑，也是在不同参照中“比来的”结果。中国式现代化进程中，农村新旧群体的涌现与分化为“比较”提供了新的场域。本文依此分析了社会比较对农村居民风险感知的影响及作用路径。研究发现：第一，时序上的个体比较优势和横截面的群体比较优势均能显著降低农村居民的风险感知，这证实了人们对风险的感知在一定程度上也是与“他人”相互比照的结果。第二，农民倾向于与亲戚和所在城市其他居民进行比较，而农民工倾向于跟邻居与所在城市其他居民进行比较。第三，心理情绪在社会比较优势对风险感知的削弱作用过程中发挥部分中介作用，个体现代化能力加强了群体比较优势对于风险感知的削弱作用。因此，不仅需要引导农村居民进行合理的比较，关注其风险感知更是维护良好社会心态、建设和谐乡村，实现全面中国式现代化的应有之义。