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41.
From the inception of the proportional representation movement it has been an issue whether larger parties are favored at
the expense of smaller parties in one apportionment of seats as compared to another apportionment. A number of methods have
been proposed and are used in countries with a proportional representation system. These apportionment methods exhibit a regularity
of order, as discussed in the present paper, that captures the preferential treatment of larger versus smaller parties. This
order, namely majorization, permits the comparison of seat allocations in two apportionments. For divisor methods, we show
that one method is majorized by another method if and only if their signpost ratios are increasing. This criterion is satisfied
for the divisor methods with power-mean rounding, and for the divisor methods with stationary rounding. Majorization places
the five traditional apportionment methods in the order as they are known to favor larger parties over smaller parties: Adams,
Dean, Hill, Webster, and Jefferson.
Received: 5 August 2000/Accepted: 24 October 2001 相似文献
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43.
The authors maintain that the social learning theory of career development and counseling has not been applied to diverse populations. To address this gap in the literature, the authors conducted a qualitative analysis of interviews with 21 middle school students in a low‐income, culturally diverse, inner‐city public school. Four themes emerged, reflecting the influence of discrimination on participants' career learning: contextual barriers and resources for learning, and psychological barriers and resources for learning. The authors provide a conceptual framework for assessing resources and barriers and a rationale for why these aspects often remain hidden or unexamined in career assessment with clients who are vulnerable to discrimination. 相似文献
44.
Ackerly Brooke A. 《Voluntas: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations》2002,13(3):322-324
VOLUNTAS: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations - 相似文献
45.
Schmidt Philip R. 《Sociological Practice: A Journal of Clinical and Applied Sociology》2002,4(3):195-208
The historical relationship between the electoral college and controversial U.S. presidential elections, specifically with respect to conflict, is examined. The elections of 1800, 1824, 1860, 1876, 1888, 1968, and 2000 are examined. Aside from the 2000 election, there has been essentially no conflict in American history due to the electoral college. The constitutional structure and thinking behind the form of the electoral college is given, with emphasis on the federal aspects of the structure. The current movement to abolish the electoral college in favor of direct popular vote is depicted, along with the arguments against making that change. The conclusion is that we as a nation are far better off to retain the status quo than to make the called-for change. 相似文献
46.
A.M. Mathai 《Revue canadienne de statistique》1993,21(3):277-283
The product of two independent or dependent scalar normal variables, sums of products, sample covariances, and general bilinear forms are considered. Their distributions are shown to belong to a class called generalized Laplacian. A growth-decay mechanism is also shown to produce such a generalized Laplacian. Sets of necessary and sufficient conditions are derived for bilinear forms to belong to this class. As a generalization, the distributions of rectangular matrices associated with multivariate normal random vectors are also discussed. 相似文献
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What do voters really know about party platforms and how do they perceive the contents? Are there any relationships between party election platforms and electoral behavior? Despite of much research on parties, there are hardly any answers to these questions. If political parties devise programmes in order to influence political attitudes or electoral behavior, it will be necessary that these programmes are read by people. But it seems to be unclear if and how people do so. This article shows clearly that voters don’t know much about party manifestoes. Still, programmes are more important for voters than many people believe. Programmes are also an important factor for electoral behavior. But there is still a lack of data to get evident results. 相似文献
50.