Jewish power and powerlessness: Prague Zionists and the Paris Peace Conference

This article explores how perceptions of Jewish power shaped the negotiations between Czechoslovak leaders and Jewish minority representatives at the time of the Paris Peace Conference. In the aftermath of the First World War, Prague-based Zionists embarked on a mission to convince Czechoslovak elites that attacks on Jews were detrimental to the internal stability of the new state and to Czechoslovak interests abroad. As Edvard Bene?, the head of the Czechoslovak delegation in Paris, worked to cultivate an image of the new state as more “Western” and “civilised” than other successor states – a strategy meant to garner international support for Czechoslovak territorial demands and its projected absorption of large minority populations – Jewish activists encouraged his uncertainty with regard to Jews' influence on Western audiences and statesmen. They did so in order to convince him to accept their demands for special protection clauses for the new country's Jews. The paper thus shows that the unprecedented victimisation of Jews and the upsurge in antisemitism during and after the war coexisted with a new bold and public Jewish activism. Yet, Jewish leaders did not in the end have the ability to convince Bene? and his colleagues to give in to international Jewish demands for special protection. Instead, they sought to cultivate a strategic alliance between the state's Czech elite and the Jewish minority which centred on the claim that Czechoslovakia was a particularly welcoming and tolerant place for Jews, an image that would evolve into a significant component of the myth of Czechoslovakia as an island of democracy in Eastern Europe.     

Origins of the epithet ‘government by public relations’: Revisiting Bruce Catton's War Lords of Washington, 1948

While it might make public relations professionals and faculty cringe, the term ‘government by public relations’ is a negative one, implying that governmental decision-making is guided by appearances rather than on the merits. This tag line is a relatively common American put-down of politicians and senior civil servants. This article examines the origins of the term, locating its usage in the WWII memoirs of Bruce Catton, then a government public information officer and later a renowned popular historian of the American Civil War. Catton's use of the term, his 1948 book War Lords of Washington, and his philosophy of government public information are examined in more detail to give context to the phrase ‘government by public relations.’     

《共产党人》与抗日战争时期党的干部教育

抗战时期党的干部教育是顺应革命形势的发展和干部队伍自身建设的需要而广泛兴起和发展的。《共产党人》是抗战时期中共中央主办的专门研究党的建设理论和实践的党内刊物，刊登了大量党关于干部教育的决定和指示、研究性论文和干部教育通讯，有力地推进了党的干部教育的政策制定、理论解读和实践开展。     

解放战争时期党在解放区的土地政策探析

解放战争时期中国共产党在解放区的土地政策,是我们党的一项重要政策.根据当时的背景变化,党在解放区的土地政策经历了一个历史的演变过程,在中国革命和建设中做出了巨大历史贡献.     

李辉英抗战题材长篇小说论

李辉英是一位身跨现当代地跨大陆与香港两地的抗战小说家,他的抗战长篇小说创作代表了他文学创作的艺术成就。他全景式地展现了从抗战前到抗战后,从前线到大后方中华民族救亡图存的历史图景,塑造了上至总司令下至普通士兵、群众的人物群像,其中集团军申总司令形象堪称典型,为抗战人物画廊增添了厚实的一笔。他作品中所弘扬的伟大爱国主义精神,成为东北作家天然秉传的文学品格并生生不息于中国新文学史册。尽管在思想的穿透力、文本的时代氛围等方面有些许遗憾,但作为一位抗战小说家,李辉英的文学贡献应予以充分的肯定。     

冷战后美国中东战略的调整与伊朗核问题

新一届美国政府成立后，其对伊朗核问题的立场成为国际社会广泛关注的热点问题。伊朗核问题解决的方式，主要取决于美伊双方，但在全球化的今天，美国和伊朗走向直接对抗甚至爆发战争的可能性越来越小，双方更可能以全方位外交谈判的方式来解决美伊之间的矛盾。     

抗战时期“近卫声明”的来龙去脉

1938年的三次“近卫声明”，都是日本政府为找到一个代表中国的谈判对手达到其侵略的目标而发布的。第一次近卫声明打开了诱降的大门，第二次、第三次近卫声明则是在日本大规模侵华军事进攻告一段落和汪精卫暗通日本的情况下发布的，完全体现了政治谋略为主、军事进攻为辅的方针，目的在于从政治上瓦解国民政府。三次近卫声明之中，以第二次近卫声明影响最为巨大而深远。     

抗日战争时期中国共产党的宗教工作研究

抗日战争时期是中国共产党正确认识宗教问题和全面开展宗教工作的重要阶段.无论是在抗日民主根据地,还是在国统区、沦陷区,党都制定与抗日战争相适应的宗教政策,坚持和扩大抗日民族统一战线,积极引导宗教与抗日战争相适应,推动了抗日战争的胜利进程,积累了积极的理论成果和实践经验,为以后党的宗教工作提供了借鏊.     

论冷战遗留下的台湾问题与美日合流

台湾问题既是中国内战的后遗症，也是冷战的遗留问题；冷战在亚洲的结束具有相对的非彻底性，即冷战结束的渐变性。这种特征反映在美国和日本调整对台湾的战略中；同时，日本染指台湾问题、美国对台湾问题的干涉加强，两者殊途同归，也塑造和反映了冷战在亚洲结束的渐变性特色。     

冷战后日美同盟的强化——以联合军事演习为视角

日美联合军事演习的发展演变,体现出冷战后日美同盟的强化:作用范围扩大化、军事合作一体化、战略地位中心化、地区威慑强势化.