阿拉伯互联网体验诗中的文化思辨

诗歌具有文以载道的社会功能。当今阿拉伯诗坛出现了以互联网体验为内涵的诗歌作品,这与正在世界范围内不断深入的全球化进程有着千丝万缕的联系。面对阿拉伯世界正在遭受的文化入侵,阿拉伯学者深感不安,他们用警惕的眼光审视着这股以西方为主导的全球化浪潮。     

Experience of female public relations practitioners in Bahrain

The research addressed the gap in the literature about the experience of public relations practitioners in the non-Western society of Bahrain. The research aims to contribute to public relations scholarship by using a qualitative approach to study the experience of Bahraini women working in public relations. It used open interviews with Bahraini PR practitioners who offered rich insights on their “experiences” as women working in PR in Bahrain. The interviewees talked about various types of challenges when working in public relations such as cultural marginalization, relationship with colleagues, social domination, and marginalization of PR function. The research suggests combined liberal and radical feminist strategies to improve the role of Bahraini women in public relations. It recommends social and organizational reforms, in addition to empowering women to utilize their personality traits, communication behaviors and management styles.     

Processes of conservation and change in Arab society in Israel: Implications for the health and welfare of the Arab population

Azaiza F. Processes of conservation and change in Arab society in Israel: Implications for the health and welfare of the Arab population This article reports on a study that examined how modernisation processes affect the Arab citizens of Israel on various levels and how the processes are reconciled with traditional ideals. Modernisation affects formal and informal support systems, affects family lifestyles, has resulted in changes in the treatment of elderly people and has seen modern ideas of health and wellness incorporated with traditional values and ideals. For the Arab citizens of Israel, the conflict of tradition versus modernisation is evident throughout society. Studying the processes of both modernisation and preservation and their implications allows us to better understand and address the needs of the Arab population in Israel. Based on the research presented in this review, processes of modernisation and conservation are conceptualised as a continuum along four dimensions: perceptions of self, sources of social support, health roles and gender roles. The implications of these changes are explored as they relate to various phenomena.     

The fever that hit Arab satellite television: audience perceptions of Turkish TV series

Turkish television drama series were locally produced products until the early 2000s. Since then, about 70 different titles have been broadcast to audiences in 40 countries, especially in the Middle East, where they comprise approximately 60% of the share in foreign programme broadcasts. This article explores the factors that led to such an attraction by considering the debates around the impact of transnational media products on Arab cultural identity. The authors conducted focus groups and interviews with audiences in Palestine and Egypt and with the producers/distributors of these TV series in Turkey. The data presented here comprise the results of one of the first field-based studies on the reception of Turkish media products in the region. Foremost, the Arab audience response to these Turkish TV series highlights the differences in conceptualisations of ‘modernity’ in the Arab World. Moreover, the data suggest that audiences do not necessarily consider transnational media products as culprits that corrupt cultural identity.     

Globalizations Forum on Middle East Protests: Commentary

The ‘Arab spring’ is part of a growing set of challenges to US hegemony and the capitalist world-system. The global economy is fueling the grievances that motivate protests while also providing tools that aid the spread of global protest movements. The global financial and other crises threaten the legitimacy of the entire system, opening up opportunities for challenges by popular groups even in the most authoritarian contexts. As the US and its Western allies confront more limited budgets, and as slower growth undermines stability in countries whose quiescence has been key to ensuring the flows of resources necessary for the operation of the global capitalist economy, we are destined to see more popular challenges to existing authorities. These challenges should be seen not simply as national challenges, but rather as part of a larger struggle for the transformation of the world-system.

La ‘primavera árabe’ es parte de una serie de retos que va en aumento contra la hegemonía de E.E.U.U. y el sistema mundial capitalista. La economía global está avivando los agravios que motivan las protestas mientras que también proveen herramientas que ayudan a difundir los movimientos de protesta globales. Las crisis financieras y otras globales amenazan la legitimidad del sistema entero, abriendo oportunidades para retos por grupos populares, incluso en los contextos más autoritarios. Así como en E.E.U.U. y sus aliados de occidente afrontan mayores presupuestos limitados, y el crecimiento más lento debilita la estabilidad en los países cuyo estado de quietud ha sido la clave para asegurar los flujos de recursos necesarios para el funcionamiento de la economía capitalista global, estamos destinados a ver más desafíos populares a las autoridades existentes. Estos retos no deben ser vistos simplemente como desafíos nacionales, pero como parte de una lucha mayor para la transformación del sistema mundial.

“阿拉伯之春”是对美国霸权和资本主义世界体系一系列日益增长的挑战的一部分。全球经济助长了这种激发抵抗的不满情绪,同时为全球抵抗运动的传播提供了工具。全球金融及其他危机威胁着整个体系的合法性,开启了在最为威权环境下普通大众发起挑战的机会。随着美国及其西方盟友面临更多的预算限制,亦随着渐缓的经济增长破坏着一些国家的稳定——这些国家的沉寂是确保全球资本主义经济运作所需要的资源流动的关键,我们注定会更多地看到大众对现存政权的挑战。这些挑战不应仅被视为国家内部的,而应视为更大的为世界体系转型而斗争的一部分。     

Help-seeking among Muslim Arab Divorcees in Israel

The study investigated the help-seeking of Muslim Arab divorceesliving in Israel. Analysis of responses to Veroff et al.’sPatterns of Helpseeking Scale shows low rates of help-seekingby divorcees of both genders, yet higher rates among the femalethan among the male divorcees. They also show that the propensityto seek help increased with the experience of more stressfulevents around the divorce. The help-seeking patterns of themen and women were found to be quite similar. Both were moreinclined to seek emotional help and advice than instrumentalhelp. Both were more likely to seek help from informal thanformal sources. Both were more likely to seek help from theirfamily of origin than from any other source. Relatively fewdivorcees of either gender sought help from either their extendedfamily or from community or religious figures. The few who soughtformal help were more likely to turn to social workers thanpsychologists. These findings point to the continuing centralityof the family in the support system of Muslim Arabs in Israel,to the decline in the relevance of the community and religiousfigures who were once an integral part of the Arab support network,and to the fact that professional help has not yet filled inthe gaps left in the traditional support system.     

纳赛尔的阿拉伯统一思想及其当代影响

阿拉伯统一是纳赛尔主义的核心。阿拉伯统一思想并非纳赛尔的发明，但对于阿拉伯统一的途径、依靠的基本力量、统一的原则等关键问题，纳赛尔在理论和实践上都进行了深入探索。强调阿拉伯世界的政治团结和统一，突出埃及在阿拉伯统一中的核心作用，将阿拉伯统一与社会革命相联系等都是纳赛尔阿拉伯统一思想的重要特点。纳赛尔主义所强调的阿拉伯团结思想、社会公正思想以及宗教政策对当前阿拉伯世界的团结和现代化仍有很强的现实意义。     

论《一千零一夜》的权力观

权力观是以权力为中心的价值观，是判断民众与执政者关系的价值观。《一千零一夜》的一个重要主题就是宣扬“劝君施仁”的权力观，通过故事的铺展，描述了以国王们为代表的封建社会政治结构的基本权力特征，以及民众对统治者“权力”行使的思辨和诉求。其中要求实现“公正”的基本思想贯穿始终。     

阿拉伯企业文化及管理特色

企业文化是现代企业管理研究的重要课题。在当今全球化和信息化的冲击之下，阿拉伯企业将自身的传统习俗和宗教信仰与现代先进企业管理理念相结合，创造出独特的阿拉伯特色企业文化。这种独特的企业文化主要体现在企业发展战略的制定、组织结构、财务管理、人力资源管理、营销管理及其形象设计和公关等方面。     

Maze of Resistance: Crowd,Space and the Politics of Resisting Subjectivity

Abstract

In 1968 the streets around the world saw a rise of a mass political movements. Nowadays, 46 years later, a nostalgic revolutionary aura surrounds that time; as since, such is the impression, the street is yet to emerge as a strong political actor or an effective practice of resistance is yet to take form. It seems as if the old ways of resistance have met their end, and new ways have not quite come in place. However, the most recent protests, as this paper aims to show, might have started a new path of resistance at the centre of which is a particular political subjectivity gaining its power from a space of resistance and appearing in a form of a ‘crowd’. By looking at the power of the crowd as a particular embodiment or a cross between a political subject and a multitude this paper explores the constituent power of political gatherings by rejecting race, ethnicity, religion, class or gender as their mobilizing force and instead focusing on the power of coming-together (common) in a particular space. The political capacity of such ‘common’ mobilising force was fully exposed in the recent protests across Europe and the Arab world (the two examples on which this paper draws). The paper opens with a discussion of the distinct relationship between the sovereign (or state) and political subjectivity. The constitutive moment of subjectivity (the self-other relation) is placed in a political context and by drawing on the examples of sans papiers and Bouazizi's act of self-immolation the difficulties of the act of resistance and their inherent and unavoidable violence are highlighted. These two recent acts of resistance expose the need to think political subjectivity otherwise, and point to vistas (the crowd), which can facilitate such a different thinking. By drawing on the constitutive idea of the common as logic of subjectivation the intricate relationship between the body and the political space as manifested in the most recent against austerity and oppressive political regimes protests is interrogated. In the hope of placing the political subject closer to the driving seat of politics a case is made for a rather distinct relationship between political subjectivity of the crowd and the emerging space of resistance. This is a relationship that amounts to a new ‘resisting political subjectivity’ and that can bring about a new way of engaging with the politics of oppression and begins to think political contestations otherwise.